The Pastoral Epistles [Die Pastoralbriefe] by Paul Kretzman

Translated by Shawn T. Barnett

            <321> What holds for the men of mature age also applies to older women, πρεσβύτιδας ὡσαύτως ἐν καταστήματι ἱεροπρεπεῖς, μὴ διαβόλους μὴ οἴνῳ πολλῷ δεδουλωμένας, καλοδιδασκάλους, “that the old women should bear themselves in like manner, as befits saints, not as slanderers or given over to much wine, as good teachers”.  As in the previous sentence, so here also the noun does not refer to some incumbents of a congregational office; the apostle simply has age in view. He introduces his admonition with the demand that the older women should present and keep themselves in their dress and conduct, in their entire habitus as befits saints, as befits faithful Christian women.  “That their very gait and movement, countenance, speech, and silence should put forth a certain dignity of sacred decorum.” [Ut ipse earum incessus et motus, vultus, sermo, silentium quondam decoris sacri proferant dignitatem.] (Jerome) In whatever estate or vocations older women may find themselves, they should in way injure Christian decorum [Schicklichkeit] and honor [Wohlanständigkeit].  It may be that under the influence of the encroaching moral decline a strong temptation arose, even for Christian women, to conform to the world. But such an existence is particularly abhorrent in older persons of the female sex.  When such women are not ashamed to parade around in the exaggerated and, in part, unchaste fashion of our day and then, in addition, flatter and flirt in the manner of the world, so as to suppress their age, it so demeaning to the Gospel and damaging for its spread.  A Christian woman must never forget to whom she belongs, so that she gives Christ glory in her dress and conduct, in word and work.  This means, first of all, that old women should not be slanderers, that they should not give in to the inclination to be gossips.  This tendency toward idle calumny is, in fact, the cardinal vice of older women. Therefore, they should also wage war in themselves against this sin.  They also are quite often tempted to yield to wine and strong drink.  Under the circumstances, they become proper slaves to their passion, as “δεδουλωμένας” puts it.  Paul is not merely indicating how “terrible and perverse the Cretan must have become” (Wohlenberg), but here he points out a danger that is great in every age.  Despite the common public opinion to the contrary, this vice is much spread much wider among women in our country than many <322> would guess. Instead of pursuing such desires and seeking to satisfy them, old women are supposed to make use of the time and the circumstances granted them in their immediate surroundings, in their family circle, to act as good teachers.  Obviously, Paul does not here refer to public teaching, but rather to private converse, as the next sentence demonstrates.  Older women are to impart wisdom from the rich treasure of their Christian knowledge and their gathered experiences as opportunity affords them.

            This thought is further expounded in the next clause: ἵνα σωφρονίζουσιν τὰς νέας φιλάνδρους εἶναι, φιλοτέκνους σώφρονας ἁγνὰς οἰκουργοὺς ἀγαθάς, ὑποτασσομένας τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀνδράσιν, ἵνα μὴ ὁ λόγος τοῦ θεοῦ βλασφημῆται, “so that they earnestly admonish the younger women to love their husbands, love their children, and be prudent, chaste, domestic, good, and submissive to their husbands, so that the word of God might not be blasphemed.” Both Hofmann and Wohlenberg contend that ἵνα σωφρονίζωσιν refers to the previous series, so that they take it absolutes as: “that they effect discipline.” This intransitive reading is, admittedly, possible, as with παρακαλεῖν, but the reasons cited for this reading are hardly convincing.  And even Wohlenberg has to admit that σωφρονίζειν is accompanied by an accusative object as a rule.  Therefore, it is better to maintain the connection made by most exegetes: “so that they admonish young married women,” whereby it must be assumed that the indicative is a scribal error and that the text should read σωφρονίζωσιν.  This does not forbid Titus from personally admonishing younger housewives and mothers. But this does provides that the experienced, older women are not surrendered over to the above-mentioned vices through a lack of appropriate occupation.  Many a young wife has been held back from a fateful step by a judicious rebuke and admonition at the right time.

A Few Pastoral Words About the Marriage of a Young Pastor by Wilhelm Sihler

Translated by Shawn T. Barnett

Getting married is undeniably a matter of the most extreme importance for any truly faithful young man; for he can see clearly enough that much depends upon the quality of the dominant disposition of his future spouse, not only in respect to the circumstances of his vocation and household, but even relating to his own spiritual life and the support or hinderance thereof.  The Holy Scriptures and common experience offer manifold evidence concerning this truth in particular.  The children of God, that is the faithful descendants of Seth, saw the daughters of men, that is the progeny of Cain, that they were beautiful and took as wives whichever ones they wanted; out of this arose a generation which accelerated toward a judgment of obliteration, the deluge, with increasingly sinful perversion.  Sampson’s eyes were beguiled with the charms of the Philistine women, and Delila was the cause whereby Israel’s strong man became a weakling, fell from faith and wound up shamefully imprisoned by his enemies.  It’s not seldom that Christian young men, beguiled by the beauty of face and form or by elegance and charm, or intelligence, spirit, and wit, have taken for themselves worldly wives and instead of converting them to Christ, as they previously imagined they would do in a fit of arrogance, were rather themselves converted by their wives to the world.

It is, therefore, most important and necessary for every Christian whose age and circumstances move him to reach for marriage to call in faith upon the One who granted Eve to Adam, Rebecca to Isaac, Rachel to Jacob, Ruth to Boaz, that He would also bestow upon him a Christian, intelligent, domestic, loving spouse, who is adorned with modesty and discipline and has a gentle and quiet spirit.  For only such a woman can, in deed and truth, be a proper helpmeet, supplier, counselor, co-supplicant, intercessor, educator of the blessing of marriage, should it be granted, and a co-bearer of the beloved domestic cross.

Of course, it is natural that this prayer and request is connected with the advice of parents or, for want thereof, the advice of older relatives or, when these, too, are lacking, the advice of experienced Christian friends; for good advice is very necessary in so important a matter.  It is also God’s will, according to the fourth commandment, to seek out such counsel and to forgo such would dishonor one’s parents.

 If such an approach to marriage is becoming of any Christian youth who serves in any civil vocation it is doubly necessary for a young pastor. For the neglect of this god-fearing and prudent course of action in such an important undertaking only not endangers his own soul, but also invariably causes manifold offense in the congregation and puts various hindrances in the way of the salutary work of his office.  Unfortunately, it is not a rare experience that young preachers—even those who proclaim orthodox doctrine—allow themselves to be rushed into marriage by the frivolity of the flesh.  For the one the only motive is: “She is pleasing to my eyes;” for another the suggestions and persuasion of unexperienced young brothers in the office or other friends contemporary in age; for a third his preference for a cheerful disposition and pleasant, sociable entertainment; for a fourth the concern for money and possessions or respectable relations; for a fifth the overestimation of worldly education in all sorts of knowledge and fine arts, e.g. playing piano, singing, etc.

In this way, it happens that young preachers, even when in the course of their studies they have been sufficiently instructed from God’s Word about a God-pleasing match, nevertheless lacking in fear of God, discipline, humility and Christian gravity, burden themselves with fleshy-minded wives through the deception of their frivolous flesh.  And then it is no wonder that their vanity, obsession with looking good [Putzsucht], arrogance, running around outside the house [Ausläuferei], love of gossip, imperiousness, snapiness, moodiness, sulking and moaning, poor household management in miserliness or waste, and whatever else the daughters of Eve might have as their adornment—all of this soon becomes pretty obvious outside of the parsonage.

In the best case, the frivolous husband searchingly repents toward God and comes to a deeper knowledge and experience of sin and grace than he had before his imprudent wedding; for only then is he in the position to hold before his spouse the Word of God for her salutary conversion, diligently to call upon God for this, and to fend off this offense as much as possible. In the worst case, however, he remains blind to the true quality of his spouse and increasingly becomes whipped; for the daughters of Eve are cunning enough to exploit to their advantage this blindness and the weaknesses of their husbands. And then the natural and pernicious consequence is that these preachers do not preside well over their households; and how would it then be possible for such a perversion of the divine order—according to which the man is the head and the wife fears the man and is submissive to him—not to become obvious to the congregation and rightfully cause much offense and trouble? For the majority of the congregation looks more at the preacher’s manner of life than his doctrine; and the congregation has a correct sense that in governing his house he should walk in a manner that is above reproach and without offense and provide a salutary example for the congregation; and it is only right that there should be greater offense in the congregation when the pastor’s wife is, for example, a gossip, arrogant, vain, untoward, quarrelsome, etc., than when the same occurs in the wife of a congregation member. It’s also unavoidable that similarly minded wives in the congregation will invoke against their husbands the “praiseworthy” example of the pastor’s Mrs. and are thereby confirmed in their sinful behavior. The pastor, however, is muzzled by the behavior of his own wife in properly disciplining such behavior where necessary; for he could hardly be so blinded and bewitched as to view as a virtue in his own wife what he would have to punish as sinful in other wives.

In summary, the blessed efficacy of the office [of the ministry] is pretty much done for when a pastor who has an unconverted, offensive wife around his neck whom he can’t keep in check; “for if a man know not how to rule his own house, how shall he take care of the church of God?” On account of his blindness and fecklessness toward his spouse he will be pitied by the better part of his congregation, and despised by the worse part; and no one will hold him in esteem or confidence which is essential for the salutary care of souls. But still more, even when his preaching is generally orthodox and he rightly divides the word of truth, law and gospel, it is difficult to accept that he will preach to his hearers the divine law in all its sharpness, depth, and scope as God so requires, when that same law accuses him in his conscience for his unscriptural household rule. But whoever does not rigorously preach the holy law of God in its spiritual nature and quality, in all its demanding, threatening, cursing, killing, and damning, he will also not preach thoroughly the Gospel, the atonement of God accomplished by Christ and the redemption of sinners in all its giving, promising, blessing, saving, and making alive.

If a younger preacher wants to enter into the holy estate of marriage and live therein in a God-pleasing and blessed manner, it is most necessary:

First, that he already live in faith in Christ, whom he preaches to others, from the inner experience of the heart; for only this faith and the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, rich in grace, which is bound up with faith, and the fear and love of God which flows out of this—this alone, not a thorough, formal knowledge of pure doctrine and the orthodox confession, not aptitude and the ability to preach this doctrine to his hearers however so clearly and eloquently, is able to guard hm against haste and the deceit of the flesh in such an important and consequential endeavor as getting married.

Second, that he, as was mentioned above, earnestly and persistently call upon the Lord for the salutary realization of this endeavor, for He will certainly hear such a request according to His manifold, gracious promise.

Third, that he make use of the good Christian advice of his parents or, in their absence, that of experienced, older Christians, who know him rather well; for God most of fulfills those requests in the order of the fourth commandment in this manner, through men as his instruments.

Fourth, that he be on guard against the perverse habits and frivolity of the flesh and not let himself rush and be deceived by the beauty of the face and form, by the loveliness and grace of comportment, by all sorts of knowledge and abilities or even by money and possessions, etc. for as while that is all a nice bonus worthy of thanksgiving, it doesn’t suffice for a God-pleasing pleasing marriage and a married life content in the Lord, especially not for a preacher.

Fifth, that in respect to the choice of his beloved he direct his glace most of all to the following points:

First, that the wife of his choice be a believing Christian, God-fearing and obedient to Holy Scripture.  For in this are also contained other Christian and womanly virtues which befit a pious wife, especially these: that she looks upon her husband as hear head, reverently fears him, and subjects her will to his will, wherever this does not conflict with the will of God.  Such a disposition must be discovered from her words, from her manner of life, and from the reputation which she has by intelligent, God-fearing people.  Special attention to be given to whether she has stood in dutiful subjection to her parents to up to the present and has walked in the steps of the fourth commandment.  This is a more trustworthy assurance for a careful young preacher as marriage candidate, than her perhaps fine Christian knowledge and speech, which is compatible with a lack of true faith and pious living.

Second, that she display a good Christian knowledge—and generally a reasonable nature—and a healthy eye for human conditions which belong within her scope.  For as little as we German Lutheran pastors, given our circumstances in this country, can demand a particularly high level of formal education in every manner of knowledge and ability in our wives, it is, nevertheless, necessary that they possess a sound understanding of human matters which fall within their purview so that their husbands are not put to shame among the more educated of their parishioners.  Connected with this is the proper tact in the social intercourse with various persons, especially in the larger congregation in larger cities.  It is just as bad when the pastor’s wife is stupid, shy, monosyllabic, and withdrawn as when she is chatty or polite, courteous and entertaining in a merely worldly way.  Here, too, the rule holds that her speech should be lovely and seasoned with salt and that she know how to answer everyone.

Third, that a domestic sense and virtue strongly pervades her. Every wife, therefore also the wife of a preacher, is rightly called a housewife.  The house is not merely a place of dwelling, but actually a proper place of work, be it in the living room, the kitchen, the pantry, the cellar, or the floor.  Everywhere a reasonable, domestic management and order should make itself known, as Holy Scripture describes in the Proverbs of Solomon, chapter 31.  A very important part of this is that she hate miserliness and wastefulness equally and, as much as possible, combine frugality and hospitality in keeping house; for the Lord Christ, after he had fed the five thousand by his almighty grace, said, “Gather up the fragments that remain, that nothing be lost.” Likewise, it is in keeping with the domestic sense that she avoid equally both running around outside the house [Ausläuferei] and monastic exclusion and enjoy like-minded company both within the house and without, according to the will of her husband; for it is undeniable that such sociability provides Christian married couples with pleasantness, cheerfulness, and instruction and guards against one-sidedness, narrowness, a selfish overestimation of one’s own opinion, and morbid prejudices, correcting errors and expanding one’s circle of thought.

Fourth, that she, if God grants her children, also possess motherly love, wisdom and strength; for the principal goal of the bond of marriage is the begetting and raising of children wherein the wife’s purpose is accomplished and which is the most important part of her vocation.  God’s Word also expressly requires of a preacher that he “have obedient children with all respect.”  He can hardly be successful in this if he doesn’t have an earnest, sound Christian for a spouse.  For only such a one is so disposed that she doesn’t hang onto her flesh superstitiously and strengthen the original depravity of her children through reprehensible laxity and such tenderness which actually loves itself in the children, but who occasionally aims to break, externally at least, the inborn self-will and disobedience of the children and to accustom them to obedience and raise them up through law and gospel in the discipline and admonition of the Lord.

Fifth, that she be careful in her conduct toward congregation members and discreet.  For many a thing can be said in the more intimate circle of the parsonage in an entirely innocent and harmless manner and by no means unlovingly, which, nevertheless, when it becomes known outside this circle, is subject to a hateful interpretation.  Discretion is a chief virtue for a pastor’s wife; a lack thereof frequently entails much offense. Yet, her husband is urgently advised not to lead her into temptation and where possible to provide no opportunity to sin against this virtue.  For as lovely as it is for him to hear comforting words from the mouth of his believing spouse in the many crosses of his office, it is, nevertheless, unwise, indeed it militates against love, to trouble and burden her with all sorts of distressing experiences in the performance of private care of souls and with these or those personal relationships of his individual church children.  He should cast such a burden upon the Lord alone, who cares for him in this and will not burden him with more than shoulders of faith can bear at the time.

Sixth, that she suit him well in her natural temperament and disposition; for in no believer has his unique temperament been so completely purified and liberated from the fleshly manifestations of original sin that all sorts of evils could not arise within the reciprocal conduct of man and wife in their married life together.  But the main point is this: that the natural disposition of both spouses would be neither too dissimilar or too sharply opposed nor too similar or even the same. A few examples might illustrate this.  If, for example, the candidate is by nature lively, fiery, even choleric, it would be just as unwise for him to take a wife similarly disposed or as marry a phlegmatic young woman.  Likewise, if the dominant part of his disposition were melancholic, it would hardly be advisable to take as a wife a woman given to melancholy or, conversely, a woman inclined to frivolous, worldly amusement, and vice-versa.  The reasons for this are obvious enough not to require evidence. It is enough to say, that in the former case a wife with a gentle and quiet, but nevertheless thoughtful and intelligent spirt is necessary and in the latter case a wife with a cheerful, but nevertheless serious disposition.

Seventh, that she serve as a salutary example to the wives in the congregation in speech and in her manner of life.  To be sure, she should not be a sort of helper to her husband in pastoral care for young women and wives, according to the pietistic-busybody nonsense of our time; for such an office and work has not been entrusted to her by God and would be as appropriate as if the husband took the kitchen and cellar, pots and pans, under his special authority, washed the small children and dressed them or—excepting emergencies—got up early, put on the fire and made coffee while the wife enjoyed her rest in bed.  Likewise, it is not her responsibility, just because she is the pastors’ wife, to preside over various useful—and useless—associations and thereby neglect the care of the house and her children.   But it is her responsibility to be a pious, moral, reasonable, loving, domestic, obedient wife and a wise and strong mother.  For she should letter her light shine among people, not through pietistic attempts at converting young maiden and women, nor through immature, work-oriented busyness outside of the house, but rather through the quiet and yet effective power of a pious life, so that women in the congregation, married and unmarried, will see her good works and be moved to virtuous imitation.  Only in this way is she her husband’s coworker in the congregation as well as his honor and joy, the crown of his head, the most glorious adornment of his house.

Now a young, single pastor who has considered it worth the effort to read and consider the above lines might shake his head a little and ask himself, “Yeah, where on earth is there such a young woman in whom all the above characteristics meet, who is such a blossom of excellence, such a paragon of perfection, such a realization of the ideal of a pious pastor’s wife?  And, moreover, who am I, still so young and unexperienced in matters of the office and marriage, that I could be the head of such a spouse?  First, to respond to the latter question: I recognize the humility in such a question and add comfortingly that it is much easier to be the head of such a spouse than of one who is perhaps recalcitrant, bossy, moody, full of gossip, frivolous, vain, ignorant or neglectful of keeping house, etc. And there are, indeed, here and there many such specimens among pastors’ wives; for when a pious pastor’s wife discovers all sorts of weaknesses, deficiencies, and defects, she covers over them with the mantel of Christian and nuptial love and perhaps even occasionally corrects him in a friendly way out of love; yet this alters nothing in her disposition and conduct toward him; she considers him her head in virtuous fear of God and in due submission, just as before, for the sake of the divine order.  Pastor’s wives who are otherwise disposed use such discoveries that they make of their husbands, according to the example of the mother Eve, to cover up their own mistakes and sins and to justify their bad habits; they also occasionally reveal the weaknesses and defects of their husbands over a cup of coffee with their entrusted friends and gossipy old ladies, especially when they suffer as a result of these weaknesses, and naturally these coffee sisters do not hesitate at once to spread as far as possible, even when under the seal of silence, these discoveries made to their heart’s relief with a few additions from their own good treasure of their hearts. In this way, it happens by means of this work of love that in short time their husbands acquire a splendid reputation in the congregation which exceptionally promotes their effectiveness in the care of souls!

May the following serve as an answer to the first part of the young bachelor pastor’s soliloquy: a master of any art does not fall from heaven all put together. Here on earth, he has to complete his years of apprenticeship with effort and work and must constantly progress from easier things to more difficult things in the exercise of his talent until he gradually arrives at a well-rounded competence and mastery.  However, he must have received in advance of this the creative talent, as a unique gift of God, in sufficient measure; for without this talent no one could obtain mastery in any fine art or civil art. So it is, too, with a young bachelorette suitable as a wife for a pastor.  Only through the formative nurture of God and his Word and in various household crosses of love practiced in living out the married life can she grow into a proper competence in piety and those Christian and domestic virtues discussed above. But, the beginnings of this must already be present where possible before tieing the bond of marriage, both in the dominant Christian disposition of the heart as well as in natural talents and their development and training; for without this beginning in both respects a woman can hardly develop into a capable pastor’s wife who is credit to her husband and serves as a salutary and lovely example for the wives of the congregation.  And therefore, the courting pastor requires sober eyes, enlightened by the Holy Spirit and his word to see whether this beginning is present or not and to act or refrain accordingly.

Admittedly, it must be mentioned that our Lord God goes His own strange and wonderful ways in matters of vocation as well as marriage.  He often justifies His ways here below and when he does not do so, the enlightened reason of a Christian does best to close his eyes and raise a finger to his lips.

Various Quotes from Gerhard’s Locus De Magistratu

It was not just yesterday, but it has long been doubted and disputed whether the care of religion and sacred things pertains to the political magistracy.  While some make the mistake in ellipsis, denying the magistrate, even a pious and Christian one, any care of ecclesiastical matters, others err in hyperbole, who introduce a certain Caeseropapism, claim for the magistrate every ecclesial power, relegate ecclesial power to regalia, and, constraining the ecclesial ministerium to matters from within, conform everything to  the command and will of the magistrate.  The magistrate should not arrogate to himself a sort of autocratic power in the church nor those prerogatives which belong to the ministerium. Athanasius in ep. ad solit. vitam agent. f. 650. allegat epist. Hosii, in which these words are recorded: “Emperor, do not meddle in ecclesiastical matters nor instruct us in this matter, but rather learn these things from us. God has committed rule to you, to us he has entrusted those things which belong to church and just as anyone who seizes your rule with spiteful eyes contradicts divine order; so also you beware lest you make yourself guilty of a great crime by drawing to yourself those things which belong to the church.  As it is write, give what to Ceasar what is Ceasar’s and to God what is God’s. Therefore, it is neither right [fas] for us to hold rule over lands nor for you as ruler to have power over incense [thymiamatum] and sacred things.”

St. John of Damascus writes (orat. 2 de imag.): It does not belong to kings to make laws in the church.  Augustine (ep. 48. 50. 165) teaches that “princes are not interpreters and teachers of divine laws, but custodians; they are not lords of the church, but its nourishers and defenders.”

In order to hold the middle course between Scylla and Charybdis, we will have to demonstrate first of all that a Christian and pious magistrate cannot and should not be simply excluded from every care of religion and sacred things.  Secondly, certain limits must be determined so that the duties of the ecclesiastical and political orders are not confounded, but that those parts due to each are left intact.  We will demonstrate this on the following bases: 1. From divine commands.  The custody of divine law has been divinely committed to the magistracy.  Now, not only the second table of the law regarding duties owed to the neighbor pertains to divine law but also the first table concerning divine worship and its public exercise. Deut. 17: 18: “Also it shall be, when he sits on the throne of his kingdom, that he shall write for himself a copy of this law in a book, from the one before the priests, the Levites. And it shall be with him, and he shall read it all the days of his life, that he may learn to fear the Lord his God and be careful to guard [custodire] all the words and ceremonies which are set forth in this law.”  The Lord says to Joshua (Joshua 1:7):” Only be strong and very courageous, that you may observe [custodire] to do according to all the law which Moses My servant commanded you.”  Wherefore the book of the covenant is given by the priest Jehoiada to the king Joash in a solemn inauguration in order that he might understand that the custody of covenant has been commended to him. ( 2 Kings 11:12). The Vulgate paraphrases 2 Chronicles 23:11 in this way: “They gave the law into his hands to be kept [Dederunt in manu eius tenendem legem.]” From all of this we conclude that the provision for religion and sacred rites concerns anyone to whom custody of divine law has been committed.  Therefore, provision for religion and sacred rites also concerns the magistracy. Lest anyone should object that that custody pertains only to a king as a private person, since he is obligated to the observance and custody of divine precepts no less than the rest, just as in other places the people are commanded to guard the divine law, that is to walk in the divine commands (Ex. 12:17; Lev. 11:2, 18:5; Deut. 4:2; etc.), it must be noted, that these precepts are given to kings in particular in as much as much as they are kings,  that is in in consideration of their royal office, in order that they might understand that they are obligated to observe the divine law not only for themselves, but that they are also obligated to exercise the power of their office for keeping the divine law.  For why else has this custody been committed to kings in particular?  And the examples of pious kings attest that they received the words of the precept in this sense that they should guard the divine law in the administration of their office.  Lest someone should object that provision for the second table of the law only has been committed to the magistracy, but by no means that of the first table since those things which concern divine worship and provision thereof had been commended to the Levitical priesthood, it must be noted 1. that the Lord states indefinitely and indeterminately that [the king]should learn to guard the words of the law (Deut 17:18), 2. that he universally states “you shall keep and do the entire law (Josh. 1:7)—now, whoever says “all” excludes nothing—and 3. That he makes express mention of ceremonial laws which are appendices of the first table of the decalogue. Therefore, even the custody of the first table of the law cannot be denied to the magistracy.

            We connect the other precepts of that general law to this precept about the custody of divine law, as in Psalm 2:10: And now understand, O kings, be instructed, you who judge the earth, v. 11, serve the Lord in fear and exalt Him in trembling, v. 12, kiss the Son, lest He be angry. The particle וְ֭עַתָּה, “and now”, connects this exhortation made to kings with those above in a way that …, but having embraced the Gospel of this kingdom, they give place to the doctirine of Christ in their kingdoms and provinces, promote its propagation, and, in this way, “kiss the Son.” Petrus Galatinus (lib. 3 de arcan. cath. cap. 6 ex Midias Tehillim offers such an exposition: that he might reconcile the father to them by his intercession.  The son went away and placated his father to the subordinates. Afterward the citizens came to the king who had been reconciled to them in order to give thanks.  The king said to them, “Are you thanking me?  Go rather to my son and give thanks to him.  You owe your life and all that is yours to his intercession.  Unless he had intervened, something would have been done about you.  Xantes Pagnino alleges the words of Rabbi Ibn Ezra: “‘serve the Lord’ is with respect to the Lord and ‘kiss the Son’ is with respect to the Messiah” and he adds, “in India it was custom for the subordinates to kiss the king”, just as also Samuel kissed Saul, the king newly elect (1 Sam. 10:1).  Gen. 41:40: “All the people kiss upon your mouth.”  The LXX interprets it as ὑπακούσεται (will obey), and Jerome as “all the people will obey the command of your mouth.” Therefore, when rulers are commanded to “kiss the Son”, it should be understood not as a kiss of love, but as a kiss of honor, reverence and subjection, that they must submit their scepters to this king, serve him, and turn their divinely received power toward the propagation and defense of his reign. Drusius writes (comm. ad difficiliora loca Gen., cap. 188, pg.139) that among the types of kisses which the Hebrews enumerate, “ the kiss …. is a kiss of dignity or magnitude.” Tanhuma 23. 4:  “as when we receive and admit a newly made king we offer him homage, so we should understand the words of Ps. 2:12, ‘kiss the Son.’”

Wherefore we conclude: if kings and judges in as much as they are such are commanded to serve the Lord and kiss the Son, certainly also the care of religion is incumbent upon them.  For how could they serve Christ with their power and the administration of their office, if they were to do something in the matter of religion which they did not possess? But then they serve Christ and kiss him not only if they themselves accept and embrace in faith the doctrine of Christ, but also when they effect this by the power divinely given to them so that purity of doctrine is maintained in the church, idolatry and false worship is abolished, wolves are kept away from the Lord’s sheep, ministers of the church are suitably supported, etc.

pg. 440

Meanwhile, we do not deny that the magistrate can and should be touched by mercy for criminals and from time to time mitigate punishments with respect to circumstances. 1. A distinction must be made between types of offenses, some of which are capital offenses per se and by their very nature, such as those committed directly against God Himself, like magic and blasphemy; or those which directly fight against human nature, like sodomy and bestiality; or which destroy civil society from within, like brigandry and willful homicide, etc.; The reason for punishing these crimes lies in the honor of God and the safety of human society and citizens.  Some crimes, however, are capital offenses only in accord with the constitution of the magistracy.  With respect to such laws, the sanctity of the magistrate can mitigate punishments with just cause.

Kliefoth’s Beichte und Absolution

Kliefoth – Beichte und Absolution

The Time of the Reformation – 254

The Lutheran Reformation –one can say –was born out of the article on confession and absolution, for internally Luther was made into a reformer in that moment in the cell when that monch “comforted” him “with holy absolution,” and externally the Reformation commenced with the battle over the papistic indulgence. It is precisely for this reason that the Reformations theological and ecclesial product is essentially soteriological. 
In their first stages, the Lutheran Reformation and the formation of the Lutheran church were strongly defined by the personal development of the reformers, especially that of Luther and Melanchthon.  In his first public appearance, Luther has strong Roman reminiscences; then, for a long time, he very onsidedly throws himself into the arms of of subjective freedom; until the Enthusiasts, Calstadt, the peasants, the Anabaptists, the school him; and only then does he develop his task of gathering the church.  This personal development of Luther also extends to the doctrine of confession and absolution: by gathering together his occasional remarks and writings on confession and related matters chronologically, one could write a history of his conceptions of confession.  Indeed, the doctrine of confession and absolution holds together so many other articles of faith, e.g. concerning the Word of God, the preaching office, the church, etc., with respect to which a development took place in Luther’s views.  The development of Melanchton is more that of a scholar refining and expanding his views on the basis of research; however, there is also no lack of development and growth in his conceptions of confession and absolution.  It cannot lie within our plan to dive deeply into this protohistory of our church’s doctrine and order in this article on confession and absolution, as useful as a rigorous account thereof would be over against many current tendencies which deign to place the actual core of the “reformatory” in that which Luther overcame in himself.  Instead, we will extend our account to that form which confession and absolution have taken in our church’s doctrine and in our church orders, glancing back only on those individual points without which this form cannot be recognized. 
The “confession and absolution” of the Lutheran church formed in opposition to the Roman “sacrament of penance.”  Its doctrinal development connects directly to the exclusion of the previous development, in antithesis to the definitions of the Council of Florence from 1439, and rectifies the definitions that penance [poenitentia] is a confession consisting of contrition, confession, and satisfaction.  Its practice formed in opposition to the dreadful misuses which had latched onto the medieval practice of confession.  Previously, we have only looked at the doctrinal form of the Roman sacrament of penance and its form with respect to church orders.  However, every ecclesial institution manifests itself somewhat differently in life than in doctrine and canon, sometimes better, sometimes worse; and the Roman sacramentum poenitentiae manifested itself much worse in life than in doctrine.  Whoever is looking for a terse overview of abuses which arose in the life of the church and private lives of Christians from the sacrament of penance, an overview which nevertheless traces the individual manifestations back to false principles, should simple read the section “On the false penance of the papists” in the Smalcald Articles.  The doctrine and practice of the Lutheran church grew out of opposition to the perverted doctrine and practice of the existing church. Nevertheless it would be a mistake to believe that the Lutheran church acted only antithetically and oppositionally, mechanically held the a position contradictory to the Roman position or abstractly denied it. There is, to be sure, another view of the Reformation which imagines that Luther and his followers made up a brand new church out of thin air and this view is then very inclined to accept that if the Lutheran church maintained many things from the old church this was done through an inconsistent application of principle and as a result of numerous condescensions, wherefore a few things must still now be reformed retroactively. But this view is devoid of all truth.  When the Reformation happened, the church was corrupt in doctrine and practice, but the church had been in existence for fifteen centuries; it was necessary to establish a new church, rather the task was to cleanse an existing church of abuses according to principles which had been misjudged, but had now been brought to light again, in order that the church herself and that which had been spared by those abuses might be retained.  With what clarity the Lutheran church acknowledged this task and with what historical-critical prowess she accomplished this task is rarely as clearly displayed as in her treatment of the practice of confession. The reformers knew very well the historical developments in this matter: Chemnitz was more thoroughly acquainted with the history of the practice of confession, and had more insight into the changes it underwent, than Augustine, for example.  And this clarity directed the Reformers’ practical approach: they left no question which raised in the course of the historical development of confession undiscussed or unsolved; the church upturned the entire extant institution of confession, but did not upturn a single correct and sound factor,even if it had its origin in scholasticism like the absolution, and reincorporating old institutions that had long since come into disuse, they organically combined the results of the entire historical development.
Up to now, we have always found that the various forms of penance and the practice of confession were based upon various views of sin and various distinctions of sins.  With the exception of the older distinction between public and private sins, which the Lutheran church took up again and admitted according to her interpretation, as we will see, all of the other older distinctions and classifications of sins had flowed out of pelagian or semi-pelagian assumptions which then wreaked such havok that one hoped to achieve forgiveness through one’s own accomplishments, though satisfactions.  This was especially the case with the views of sin and sins which undergirded the Roman sacrament of penance, for when it was demanded that all sins be confessed, sin itself was forgotten among the sins; and when confession and absolution were only considered necessary for the forgiveness of mortal sins, one reduced the severity of other sins as lighter and more negligible.  The ostensible sternness of the Roman system of confession was and is, at its deepest root, moral laxity. Thus the Lutheran church had to begin by juxtaposing another, more correct view of sin and sins to that of the Roman church.  “It was impossible,” Luther begins his depiction “of the false repentance of the papists” in the Smalcald Articles, “for them to correctly teach concerning penance, because they do not do acknowledge the right sins, for they do not rightly understand original sin, but rather say: the natural powers of man remain whole and uncorrupted, reason can teach rightly, and the will can do what is right so that God will certainly give grace when a man does what is in himself according to his free will.  Now, it must follow from this that they only repentented of actual sins such as evil, intentional thoughts (for evil emotions, lust, and excitement were not sins), wicked words, wicked works which free will could have avoided.”  And Chemnitz continues: “Besides this must be observed in the present chapter that they teach that only mortal sins are to be confessed; such that absolution is not necessary for the remission of venial sins, but that they can be expiated with other remedies.  Here the reader will observe that the papist who require the enumeration of everything, exclude from confession and absolution the greatest part of those sins which are truly sins in the sight of God.  Firstly, they do not want to include in confession the internal uncleanliness and the evil dwelling in the flesh, because they teach that wicked desire which remains in the reborn should not be regarded as sin.  The they judge many actual misdeeds to be so trivial that absolution is not necessary for them to be remitted. But absolution is nothing other than the voice of the gospel announcing the remission of sins on account of Christ’s merit.  Therefore, the Council of Trent teaches that venial sins cannot be expiated with absolution, i.e. they cannot be remitted on account of Christ, but with other remedies.”  Conversely, Luther continues in the Smalcald Articles that the repentance preached to us by the Apostle Paul teaches “us [what] sin [is], namely that we all lost, there is nothing good in us from top to bottom, and that we must become completely new and different men.  This repentance is not piecemeal, like with those papists who actual sins, nor is it uncertain like with theirs, for this repentance does not dispute whether something is a sin or not, but throws everything into a heap and says it is all nothing but sin with us.  Why would we spend time searching, dividing and distinguishing?”  Therefore, the object of repentance and, consequently, of confession and absolution is everything, without distinction, which occurs to the Christian from the evil desire resulting from original sin and remaining after baptism to the individual, actual sins, regardless of whether they are public or private, serious or trivial, large or small.
These sins of the reborn also require forgiveness.  The enthusiasts at the time of the Reformation established the opinion, and the doctrine of the Reformed took up the same from its dogma of predestination: that whoever had once believed [fromm geworden], could not fall angina, , or if he he sinned hereafter, nevertheless would remain in faith and in a state of grace.  The Lutheran Confessions repeatedly reject this opinion and Chemnitz states: “Firstly, therefore, our churches expressly teach that the baptized, if the admit actions against their conscience, do not retain, but rather drive out faith and the Holy Spirit, lay aside the grace of justification and eternal life 

Quotes

Paucī ac fermē optimus quisque Hannōnī assentiēbantur; sed, ut plērumque fit, māior pars meliorem vīcit. Livius, ab urbe condita, lib. XXI

Si peccatum ōlim fuit, certē hodiē etiam erit. Sī ōlim peccātum nōn fuit, nē hodiē quīdem erit. Tempora enim nōn ē malō bonum, aut ē bonō malum efficiunt: sed bona & mala dicuntur ratione eōrum, quae in eīs fiunt & ā quibus illa fiunt. – Abraham Calov, Systema Theologōrum Locōrum, Bd. 8, De Polygamia Simultanea, Quaestio II

The Influence of Pietism on Protestant Education

by P.E. Kretzmann (I think or whoever signed his name “K” in Lehre und Wehre). Translated by Shawn T. Barnett

A work in progress…

With the term “Pietism” we do not mean a unique church, nor even a particular sect, but rather a direction within the evangelical church which, from the end of the 17th up to the beginning of the 18th century under the leadership of Philipp Jakob Spener and August Hermann Franke, bore witness to contemporary ecclesial harms; a direction which urged Christian living and a practical piety especially over against a–as it alleged–dead orthodoxy, and, indeed, in all areas of life: in the church, in social interaction, in the house; even in the school–indeed in school in the widest sense, from the smallest village school up to the lecture halls of the university.
Pietism wanted to reform.  But as little as one can praise pietism for having proven itself to be a true reformer of ecclesial life, nevertheless pietism did recognized that for a reformation to succeed which would have a future, one had to begin with the youth, with the young people.  Pietism had this in common with the true church Reformation through Martin Luther. “ON this”–so said Spener–”on this depends the entire hope of the coming time; for we will recieve such a world as the youth currently grows up.” A reformation in any area–it does not even need to be religious–must, if it wants to have a prospect upon the future, will always be careful to draw the young people into the circle of its activity.  When this does not occur, there can be great men, who are a hundred or more years ahead of their contemporaries; but they will not be reformers.
Perhaps, however, Pietism deserves the glory and honor of having had a reformation, if not in the area of ecclesial life and ecclesial scholarship in general, at least in the area of the folk or congregational school, upon which our observation today must confine itself?
First we should be clear about the significance of the word “reformatory”!  What Dr. Luther did by the grace of God the Roman church calls an ecclesial revolution, and for the reason that Luther taught Christianity that the Pope who venerates himself as the supreme head of the church and nearly allows himself to be worship, and is in truth an antichrist, whom the one who desires to be saved must flee and avoid.  We call call it a reformation and rightly so. . If a deformation is a malformation of the church, as we have before us in many sects and especially in the Roman church, then, conversely, a reformation is a restoration of the church to its apostolic prototype and example, which we know especially from the acts of the Apostles and the Apostlic epistles.
Consequently, one can only speak of a reformation of education if education had once existed in something at least approximating an ideal condition and then, after a subsequent decline, had been restored to its ideal. If there never had been such an approximately ideal evangelical elementary school [Volksschule], not even in the time of the Reformation, then the cannot be any talk of a reformation of the elementary school.

  The Thirty Years War brought a deadlock to German education, which in many areas was tantamount to an obliteration. What did it help that the greatest pedagogue which the 17th century had, Amos Comenius, taught and wrote then?  His preaching lacked hearers. In those areas of Germany most distressed by war, siege, plundering or the constant passage of troops the population of many cities was reduced by half, even up to a tenth of its previous state, school buildings, just like the churches, too, were in many cases burnt down or half demolished and even used as infirmaries.

Lochner’s History of Trinity Milwaukee

The History
of the Evangelical Lutheran Trinity-Congregation
in Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Commissioned by the Congregation at the Occasion of Its 50th Anniversary, October 17, 1897,

Composed by Friedrich Lochner

Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Germania Publishing House

Translated from the German by Shawn T. Barnett

St. Louis, Missouri, 2016

Chapter I

The Establishment of the Congregation

“Now I beseech you, brethren, mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned; and avoid them.”  Romans 16:17

The struggle of the Prussian Lutherans that broke out in 1830 and lasted until 1845 against the Union between Lutherans and the Reformed which had been commanded by King Friedrich Wilhelm III, himself an adherent of the Reformed church, and which he sought to effect by force,  is doubtless among the most significant events in Church history of this century.  Under the leader of the faithful witness Dr. Scheibel, Professor of theology and deacon at St. Elisabeth in Breslau, who has long since gone to his rest, a small group of Silesian Lutherans took up the battle against this unscriptural [schriftwidrig] Union and soon the faithful Lutherans of other provinces of Prussia, especially from Brandenburg and Pomerania, entered the fray in growing numbers.  Neither military force, nor the police hounding the pastors who had faithfully persevered in serving their flocks, nor the imprisonment of pastors, nor the garnishment of property, was able to weaken the resolve of the true confessors.  Finally, a not insignificant number decided, however not without anguish, to emigrate across to ocean to establish a new home in which they could live according to their faith unhindered by state power.  A portion of them, namely Silesians, chose Australia, but the majority chose America.

It was in the Fall of 1839 when a large emigration cohort under the leadership of Johann Andreas Grabau, mostly consisting of Pomeranians, landed on America’s free ground as the first ecclesiastically organized cohort of Prussian Lutherans.  The smaller portion of this cohort, mainly poor, settled together with Pastor Grabau in Buffalo.  The larger portion, to which the well-to-do belonged, turned toward what was at that time the Territory of Wisconsin, since from the outset that was determined as the main settlement.  The greatest part of his latter group, mainly consisting of farmers, established a settlement out in the wilderness about 12-15 miles from Milwaukee under the name Freistadt, likely the first large settlement of German Lutherans in Wisconsin.  A smaller portion settled in Milwaukee which at that time was just developing into a city.

Both the settlers in the city and in the country were without a preacher.  Upon invitation to visit, P. Grabau answered that he could not come.   Since, however, children were waiting to be baptized, young people were waiting to be married, and the sick desired to receive the Holy Supper, and an inquiry sent to Pastor Grabau asking what should be done was left unanswered, these settlers did what was occasionally done upon Dr. Scheibel’s advice during the time of persecution.   The Pomeranian school teacher Joachim Luck, who had already instructed a number of their children, that he should conduct the public divine service and not only read a sermon in the service, but also administer the sacraments until they had acquired a well-prepared pastor, whereby they already had their eye on the Saxons pastors in Missouri who had immigrated at nearly the same time.  However, Pastor Grabau had hardly caught wind of this procedure in Milwaukee when he suddenly broke his silence through a letter in which he strongly disciplined this emergency set-up and aroused a great indignation.  In order to calm the unrest which had now also arisen in among those in the country through this letter of discipline and through many other things and to order the ecclesiastical situation in Wisconsin, Pr. Grabau sent a so called “Pastor Letter’ [Hirtenbrief] before the end 1840.  Far from pacifying and healing, this writing increased the unrest and confusion and became the occasion for a schism first of all here in the city.[1] 

In the Fall of 1841, at the recommendation of Pr. Grabau  our settlers in the city and in the country  together called as their pastor [Seelsorger] L.F.C. Krause[2] from Silesia who had arrived in Buffalo in September .  But because those who were in the city were divided in their opinion about the Hirtenbrief, Pr. Krause, misled by Pr. Grabau, declared directly after his arrival in Wisconsin, that he could only be the pastor of those who agreed with the Hirtenbrief.   Those who declared themselves in favor of the Hirtenbrief organized the St. Paul’s congregation, and built an unadorned little Church without a steeple on 4th Street between Well St. and Cedar St. and was served as a subsidiary of Freistadt, which Krause had chosen as the seat of his parish, for all of six weeks.

Yet already after a couple years of its existence there was also a schism in this St. Paul’s congregation as a consequence of the appalling misuse of excommunication which was increasingly exercised by Pr. Krause, his “Senior” Grabau who acceded to him, and his “Ecclesial Ministerium of the Synod of Buffalo” which had since come into existence.  Nevertheless, this misuse was increasingly acknowledged as a fruit of the false doctrine of the Church and Ministry expressed in the Hirtenbrief and the resultant practice.

The congregation had rented a vehicle every time that Pr. Krause came to serve them. In order to no longer be dependent upon someone else’s vehicle, Pr. Krause requested the congregation to assist him in acquiring his own horse to the effect that each of the 150 communicants would pay 3 cents for 20 weeks whereby the sum of 90 dollars would be gathered.  Since the congregation did not come to a conclusion after numerous negotiations, after the conclusion of the divine service on the feast day of St. James, 1845, the Pastor called upon the congregation to give him a definite answer after the course of a week.  After holding a meeting immediately thereafter, the congregation reported to him that it temporarily could not adopt his request and that it had, therefore, resolved to procure in the future a proper vehicle every six weeks; if, however, he wanted to come more often, they would be all the more thankful, yet he would have to do this in such a way that it wouldn’t incur any costs for the congregation, since it could not raise the money for travel.   (Each trip cost the congregation 8 dollars—at that time not an insignificant sum.)    In response to this communication, the pastor issued a severe letter of discipline.  According to this letter, the congregation had intervened in his office with their resolution, had made him a supply preacher [Terminprediger], and had replaced him from his office. Those who had composed this resolution had regarded 20 times three cents greater than their own salvation.  Under these circumstances, he could with a clean conscience no longer administer the office in the congregation at Milwaukee.  The congregation answered avail in a respectful letter to no avail that they had by no means intended to intervene in the office of the pastor with the resolution; and that he might forgive them wore they had sinned by their words or otherwise.    
 
 On the 16th Sunday after Trinity, Pastor Krause came and held a thoroughly severe sermon of admonition regarding this matter in which he chided the members as puffed-up ruffians, dumb oxen, old swine, moths, dung beetles, etc. and then after the sermon read a announcement to the effect that everyone who had participated in this resolution would not be permitted to the Holy Supper until they had openly confessed and pleaded for their sins!  (Cf. documents in the congregations archive as well as “Erster Synodalbericht d. Synode von Missouri, 1847, pg. 12) The congregation, upset and disturbed, immediately sent both councilmen Bruss and Eggert to the pastor in his quarters to request that a congregational assembly be held that afternoon, since the congregation wanted to come to an understanding with him an account of his harsh sermon, and to be informed as to which of them had deserved refusal from the Holy Supper and so that they could be admonished to repent.  Pr. Krause refused this request with the words, “I have preached and that’s that!”

In order to resolve the sad discord between the congregation and the pastor, the congregation turned via the councilmen Bruss and Brewersdorf to the mediation of a neighboring pastor, Pastor Kindermann, who in 1843, together with the congregation that had immigrated with him, had founded Kirchhayn about 7 miles from Freistadt.  Since Pr. Kindermann did not achieve anything with his brother in office, he advised the congregation to take the matter to the Ecclesial Ministerium at Buffalo, i.e. Pr. Grabau, and wrote these words of encouragement “I can’t imagine that Pr. Krause would be justified in such a clearly unjust matter on his account.”  Nevertheless, in response to the letter of complaint, which had first been reviewed by Pr. Kinderman, Pastors Grabau, von Rohr, and Kindermann issued a three-fold assessment [Gutachten].  Grabau placed all the blame on the congregation that in the absence of their pastor they had in retrograde frivolously overturned a resolution composed in the fellowship of their pastor on the feast of St. James to purchase a horse.  But in regard to his sermon of admonition and his additional announcement regarding the refusal of the Holy Supper it was wished that “he had been more in control [ein Herr] of his otherwise customary demeanor” and , in an assembly after the divine service, should have made the congregation aware of the injustice of holding an assembly behind their pastor’s back  in order to overturn resolutions that had already been made.    Von Rohr essentially agreed with Grabau.  Pr. Kindermann’s assessment, given that he was knowledgeable about the matter, reads differently.  He attests that the Congregation did not overturn any resolution, since no resolution was made on the feast of St. James, that in his letter from the 11th of August Pr. Krause had sinned against the 8th commandment in a loveless and unchristian manner when he asserted that they regarded the contribution demanded for the purchase of a horse to be worth more than their own salvation, and, moreover, that he had demonstrated an ungodly zeal in his sermon and, moreover, in the frivolous manner in which he had terminated his office, yet in his open announcement after this sermon had unilaterally excommunicated the opponents of his request and afterwards treated some  of them upon occasion as excommunicated.

Given the varied assessment on the part of the members of the Ecclesial Ministerium the rift between the pastor and the congregation continued.  However, as a great unrest arose in Freistadt as well on account of the unjustly exercised excommunication, and as dissentions arouse between the two neighboring brothers in office, the Senior of the ministerium, Grabau, showed up in Spring of 1846 first among those in the country and then among those in the city.

Proceedings began among those in the city on the afternoon of Ascension.  However, although right at the beginning of the assembly the true state of affairs was once again put forward to Pr. Grabau both orally and in writing, he again proceeded from the false assumption that a resolution which had been composed in a completely just form had been overturned in an assembly held behind the pastor’s back.  As it has been unanimously reported from eyewitnesses, Pr. Kindermann more than once admonished both pastor Krause to repentantly acknowledge many undeniable offenses and Senior Pr. Grabau to conduct a conscientious, unbiased procedure toward the plaintiffs.   Although the assembly lasted from the afternoon until midnight, it was without any result.  Unsatisfied with the Senior’s procedure, Pr. Kindermann was sitting on his wagon in the morning, ready to return home, when he finally let Pr. Grabau convince him to climb back down.  Thus the proceedings began anew on the afternoon of Exaudi.  Finally, toward midnight it came to a sort of reconciliation.  Upon Grabau’s urging, Krause let himself be moved to make the lame declaration that one might forgive him “where he may have erred;” the congregation should take the rest upon itself.  Sleepy and tired of the inquiring, most assented to such a reconciliation. Yet this was done in the repeatedly expressed expectation that Pr. Grabau would provide a transfer for Pr. Krause, since given what had occurred the trust necessary for a blessed conduct of the office could no longer be regained.  When on the next day, it became clear that Grabau in no way intended the desired transfer, but that everything was to remain as it had been, since there had been reconciliation, most withdrew their assent to reconciliation with Krause.

And so soon after Pr. Grabau’s departure a split resulted in which the larger part of the congregation renounced in writing Pr. Krause’s pastorate and submitted to Pr. Kindermann a request for service in Word and Sacrament.  Admittedly, Pr. Kindermann denied the desired service in a letter from July 15, 1846, and advised attempting an understanding with Pr. Krause through a private exchange; although it read further: “If you do not want that, then at least seek assistance for your grievances of conscience within the ecclesiastical order as long as it is in any way possible.  So, for example, you could invite the advice of unbiased Lutheran pastors outside of our Synod or transfer the decision to a synod.”  As had been all-too-well experience, however, nothing more was to be expected from the assembly of their synod which consisted of four pastors and a few deputized voters.  In addition, they had begun to recognize that the practice of pastors Krause and Grabau was the fruit of a false doctrine of the church and the ministerial office. So they followed Pr. Kindermann’s advice and turned to “unbiased Pastors outside of the Synod,” namely the Saxon pastors Walther, Löber, Keyl, Gruber, Bünger, Fürbringer and Schieferdecker;  a portion of the Freistadt congregation which had now also come to a split through Krause’s fault , joined in with this request.    Since, the first steps toward establishing an orthodox synod, the Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other states, had been made by the Saxon pastors and a number of like-minded clergy and their meeting was to take place in May of the coming year, the petitioners were refered to this assembly with the comment that Pr. Grabau had also been cordially invited , in as much as he had finally demonstrated that he was willing to meet at a place, as yet undetermined in Spring of 1847 to discuss doctrinal differences with the Saxon pastors.  Likewise, Krause was to be informed of the request from those who had separated from him in Milwaukee and Freistadt, so that he could be present in Chicago, if he wanted.

Meanwhile, church discipline was exercised against those in Milwaukee, although they had already dissolved any connection with Pr. Krause through their formal renunciation.  Yet directly after his departure, Grabau had released a letter to the congregations in Wisconsin in which he admonished them to guard against not allowing themselves to be reconciled and declared the separation from Pr. Krause to be nothing less that mortal sin.  In a second letter, he instructed the pastors to set into motion the three steps of admonition with those who were resistant.  Already three weeks after the renunciation, that is only a week later, after the letter to Pr. Kindermann from June 15, Pr. Krause emitted a summons written in legal style to all those who had broken away.  The second summons then followed on the 17 September, and the third written summons  on March 6, both times by Pr. Kindermann, the man who had first advised them to turn to non-synodical pastors with their concern and whose advice they had followed!  The last summons concluded with the words, “May God give grace that this pleading of the Christian church would not once again be disregarded and the Lord Jesus Christ’s command: ‘If he will not listen to the congregation, then consider him as a heathen and a tax collector’ (Matth.  18:17) would not apply to you.”  Since no one responded to this summons, the excommunication was extended to everyone.

Since as soon as the renunciation of Pr. Krause had been announce, he had already taken steps with the authorities to secure the church property for the small group that had remained with him, councilmen Bruss and Bewerdorf who as trustees had vouched to for payment of the property, a burden of 340 dollars, requested their counterpart to negotiate with them and to dispute their competing claims, but they received the mocking answer: “The Church of God never has to negotiate with her enemies.” Upon the refusal of the counterpart, which in any case had for years contributed little or nothing all to paying off the church’s debt, both trustees paid a further 40 dollars, since it was high time for this, and demanded the church keys from their counterpart, which only responded to this in consequence of a threat with the authorities.

May 24, 1847, our precious Synod was born in Chicago.  Those in Milwaukee had sent councilman Bewersdorf to advocate for their cause and those in Freistadt had sent councilman Carl Kauffung and had sent with them the delegated powers furnished with 57 signatures and the relevant documents.  Both delegates asked the Synod for an assessment [Gutachten], “whether they and those who were in agreement with them whose powers had been delegated to them with signatures could or could not call another pastor in the place of their previous pastor, Pr. Krause?” Since neither Pr. Krause nor Pr. Grabau were present, nothing remained for the Synod than to give an assessment on the basis of the oral reports of both delegates as well as a number of presented manuscripts and transcribed documents.  This assessment is printed in its entirety in the first Synodical proceedings from 1847, pgs 11-13 and read “that Mr. Bewersdorf and Mr. Kauffung along with their concerned brothers who sent them not only have the right, but they have the holy duty to flee from and avoid Pastor Krause as a dangerous false teacher and a callous sinner and that they should be provided with a faithful pastor as soon as possible.”

This communication from the Synod was the occasion for no little joy and reassurance in both congregations.  In June 1847, with a happy conscience both congregations unanimously called one of the Saxon pastors, namely the one who had been suggested to them, Pastor E.G.W. Keyl from Frohna, Perry Co., Mo.

The course of events in the separation of the congregation from Pr. Krause and the Buffalo Ecclesiastical Minsiterium has already been accurately depicted by the writer of monograph in 1853 in the supplement to vol. 9, no. 8 of the Lutheraner.  As there, it should also be mentioned here, that Pr. Krause, who fell out with Pr. Grabau and the Buffalo Synod and now looked to join the Missouri Synod that he had once so despised, appeared at the synodical convention in Milwaukee in November of the same year in order to be reconciled with those who had broken away from him in Milwaukee and Freistadt and acknowledged the legitimacy of the separation from him.  It must still be a living memory for many of those who were present.

Chapter II

The Foundational and Organizational Work of the First Pastor. 

Initial Expansion under his Successor

I have planted, Apollos watered; but God gave the increase.      1 Cor. 3:6

Ernst Gerhard Wilhelm Keyl, born in Leipzig in Saxony, May 22, 1804, from 1827-1837 pastor of the Saxon territorial church, was one of the pastors who emigrated under the well-known Pastor Stephan for conscience sake in the year 1838 and until his call to Milwaukee he served a small congregation of Saxon emigrants, mostly members of his earlier congregation in Germany, which settled in Perry County, Mo with the largest group of the Saxon emigrants and there established the settlement Frohna.  He was a man under whom once a significant awakening had arisen in Saxony in Muldenthal at a time when Rationalism was still dominant, an awakening that brought with it much persecution. He was a man who since is immigration had occupied himself especially with the study of Luther’s writings in which he was entirely at home like few others were.  He died as Pastor Emeritus on August 4, 1872 in Monroe, Michigan.

At the time of his call to Milwaukee, Wisconsin was still a Territory and the city had a population of 9000, a considerable portion of which already at that time were German emigrants, namely Pomeranian Lutherans.  Trade and commerce was, as a whole, still insignificant.  So it happened that Pastor Keyl along with his family first reached Milwaukee on October 27, 1847 after 14 days of travel.

Because a special installation of the newly called pastor could not take place due to the local and ecclesial circumstances at that time, he held his inaugural sermon on the Gospel lesson of the day about the healing of the paraplegic.  In this sermon, he gave witness to the joy with which he entered his office, because he was certain that the congregation had rightly separated itself from his predecessor as an manifest false teacher and that, therefore, his vocation was divine.  He gave similar testimony in the introduction to his sermon in Freistadt the following Sunday.   As he was diligently preparing for these first sermons  for the morning and afternoon divine services, the councilman Bruss who was temporarily quartering with him, said to him: “Our previous Pastor didn’t prepare much for his; with him everything was shot from the hip!”
           
Since it seemed more beneficial to Pastor Keyl to make his dwelling in the city instead of in the country, and both congregations had left the choice up to him, he served Freistadt with Word and Sacrament every 14 days from here so that he could only be present in each of the two country congregations every 4 weeks.  In the absence of their pastor, a read service [Lesegottesdienst] was regularly held in all three congregations, which was everywhere diligently visited.
           
When Pastor Keyl entered his office, he was confronted with a sad picture of ecclesial disunity; for there were six to eight different parties who all wanted to be Lutheran.  Two of these made the exclusive claim to true Lutheranism.  Both were, therefore, also harsh opponents of the congregations that were now Missourian.  The one was the old Grabau party, the other was the so-called Klügel party.  The later came into existence through the former emigration companion of Pastor Keyl, the former candidate and later pastor G. Klügel.  After Stephan’s exposure and removal from Missouri, Klügel fell out entirely with the Saxon pastors, came to Wisconsin in 1843, and found supporters both here in the city and in the country, first in a larger, later in a constantly diminishing number.   How he propounded a grossly Calvanistic doctrine of election by means of a false invocation of Luther, especially his writing against Erasmus on free will—and this in a very trivial manner—and how he misused the doctrine of Christian freedom is retained in the memory of us old folk.  Since the arrival of Pastor Keyl and still at the beginning of his successors time, the Missourians and their preachers were the object of attacks and defamations in the sermons of both the Buffalo and the Klügel parties.  All of this painted a sad picture of ecclesial disunity.

Given these circumstances, it was all the more incumbent upon Pastor Keyl as much as possible to establish the congregation that had been entrusted to him in the pure Lutheran doctrine and to pattern it accordingly.  The city congregation was, of course, especially poised to benefit from this.  Besides his instructive sermons on the periscopes for Sundays and feast days in which he, as is known, exclusively used Luther as his example, he held expository sermons on Wednesday evening on all the books of Scripture, Sunday afternoons were devoted to catechetical preaching and an examination of the youth thereafter who had to take part in this until they were of age [Mündigkeit], but house fathers and house mothers were also mostly present.  Whenever there was opportunity, there was longer or shorter discussions of doctrine in the congregational assembly and as a rule doctrine and church happenings formed the main subject of conversation in the sociable get-togethers in members’ homes, especially when the pastor was present.  Those who applied for membership first had to go through a a small doctrinal course for several evenings.  As much as the pastor pressingly recommended the reading of Luther’s writings, especially his postils, in both sermons and in private conversation, it couldn’t fail that Luther’s postils were to be found in most homes.

Right after Pastor Keyl’s installation, the task of composing a congregational order was taken up.  Upon his suggestion, the congregational order as well of the St. Louis congregation as well as their council order was made the basis of the discussions on October 21, 26, and27, and the former was adopted with a few changes, the latter in its entirety.  (Although both orders had to be revised in later years, neither experienced any essential change)

In regard to the form and manner of the public divine service, no change was necessary, since the forma and manner of the old Lutheran divine service was customary in both the separated Lutheran church in Prussia and here in the Buffalo Synod.  Pastor Keyl could, therefore, make complete use of his old Leipzig Agenda, since at that time our Synod still did not have its own agenda.    At that time and sill several years later, the morning divine service on Sundays and feast days began around 9 a.m. and with the Supper, which was held every two weeks, it lasted until noon since the congregation still did not sing rhythmically, interludes were played not only between every stanza, but also between every line, and it was not Pastor Keyl’s custom to preach too briefly.   Nevertheless, no proposals to shorten the service can be found in the congregation’s minutes.

To his great joy, Pastor Keyl discovered that private confession was still practice and, in fact, in exclusive use which it even retained until the year 1866.  This, which was proceeded by an announcement in the course of the week, took place on the Saturday evening and was proceeded by vespers.  The latter consisted of a the singing of a penitential hymn, the reading of a penitential psalm, singing of No. 193, collects and a blessing, whereupon it concluded with a confessional address and then the confessions of individuals.

The unadorned little church without a steeple, which is depicted by a drawing made by the author, was originally located, as mentioned, on 4th St. between Wells St. and Cedar St. According to a resolution from May 15, 1848, the property and the building were offered for sale for $600; but since no buyer could be congregation obtained via trade a piece of property on the south side of Wells St. which extended from the corner of 5th street eastward to the alley, but this property was part of the swampy cedar marsh that spread out from Wells to Prairie St. and which only had firm ground  on the 3 to 4 foot wide side-walk which had been filled in like a dam.  The little church was removed there and set on stakes on the east corner of the property , where it look just like a remnant from an earlier construction period [Pfahlbauzeit], until the lower section was covered with boards.  Inside there was a simple little altar over which there was a lectern as a pulpit and next to which stood a bare wood chair as a seat for the pastor, since there was no sacristy, as well as a small organ without pedals.  The black hymn board was disproportionately large, since it had to have room for the numbers from two hymnals, the Pommeranian, or Bollnhagen Hymnal, and the Breslau hymnal, to which was soon added for several years the St. Louis hymnal, so that no less than three times seven, that is in total 21 numbers had two be indicated.  Since school also had to be held in the little church during the week by teacher August Lemke, the necessary small room was separated by a movable wall of boards that had to be removed every time for the divine service on Sunday and Wednesday evening.

Yet the destitute and limited space of the little church exceeded in true adornment many magnificent cathedrals with its pure and richly preached word and the unadulterated sacrament as well as through the diligence and zeal with which these services were attended by old and young.

So it struck pastor and congregation like a stroke of lightning in fair weather when in Adventide of 1849, St. Paul congregation in Baltimore, Maryland, whose pastor, F. Wyneken, had received and accepted a call to St. Louis, Missouri, and recommended Pastor Keyl as his successor.  Since the congregation which was not a little agitated along with its pastor was not able to come to a decision in this matter of a call in several special congregational assembly, on December 18 they agreed upon the pastor’s suggestion to request the president of the Synod, Pr. Walther of St. Louis, Mo, along with neighboring brothers in office, to give an assessment in regard to this matter.  This assessment came out in favor of accepting the call from Baltimore, and the congregation, although with a heavy heart, finally gave its assent to this.

In heartfelt prayer to God, the congregation immediately took steps toward calling a successor.  After a preparatory assembly on February 12, 1850, two days later Pastors f. Lochner of Pleasant Ridge, Illinois (who had signed the assessment [Gutachten]) , A. Selle of Chicago, Illinois, and G. Franke in Lafeyette County, Missouri, were established as candidates.  After the sermon on the election of a pasto in the Sunday divine service on February 17, the step was taken to elect and the F. Lochner received 43 of the 51 votes.  The next day he was informed of the election in a provisional way via telegram and on February 21 a certificate of vocation was prepared.  This was beautifully written on parchment and was signed by the church councilmen Julius Wegner, Carl Groth, Carl Schubert, and Martin Bruss in addition to Pr. Keyl.

When the congregation gave their assent to the acceptance of the call from Baltimore, it did so with the pressing plea that, if possible, Pr. Keyl would continue to administer the office among the congregation until the arrival of the successor.  Since a renewal of the call had become necessary, it wasn’t until the 4th Sunday after Trinity, June 23, that Pr. Keyle held his farewell sermon.  Speaking on 1 Cor. 1:4-9, his voice was often choked up with tears.  The following day, the newly called pastor arrived with his family, and, since Pr. Keyl could no longer remain until Sunday, he was introduced to the congregation in a quickly called congregational assembly.  So on the following Sunday, the fifth after Trinity, June 30, 1850, the newly called pastor gave is inaugural sermon on 2 Cor. 3:4-11.

 Johann Friedrich Carl Lochner, born September 1822 in Nürnberg in Middle Franconia, pastor of a small congregation in Toledo, Ohio from August 1845 to October 1846, and then from December of the same year until his call to Milwaukee pastor of the newly founded country congregation in Pleasant Ridge and in Edwardsville as well as the congregation founded by him in Collinsville, Ill, was one of the earliest emissaries of the American mission established by Pr. Löhe in Middle Franconia and a cofounder of our Synod. Still a young man who had only served in office for five years, he entered the office as the successor of an experienced servant of the Gospel and as shepherd of a congregation that was surrounded by enemies.  He was still for the time being lonely and alone with great fear and trembling, yet full of the certainty of his divine call.  During his resettlement, when he took his leave from the blessed Dr. Walther in St. Louis, Walther said: “Go forth, beloved brother-in-law, and care for this congregation without expecting that it will expanded under the current circumstances and ecclesial confusion there.  Your only task will consist in maintain that which the congregation received through your predecessor and supporting that.”  That God in his counsel had determined otherwise against any human assumptions has been demonstrated in the time following until the present.  But the growth that followed would not have been what it was by God’s grace, had not Pr. Keyl, whose gifts were more those of establishing and organizing than in gathering, not laid such a foundation and left behind for his successor a well-directed branch for the growth outwards.

Already after a couple of month the little church was hardly able to hold all the listeners.  When in Fall of 1850, the Synod which was gathered in St. Louis accepted the invitation of the congregation to hold the synodical conference next year in her midst, the congregation saw itself all the more obliged to think about the construction of a larger church.  Already on December 1, the congregation resolved to erect a wooden frame building 70-feet long, 40 feet wide, and 25 feet high on the remaining portion of the property on the corner of Wells and 5th St.  the building. The building was supposed to have a basement with a height of 10 feet that could be furnished for the school and a dwelling for the teacher, a plan which as time passed proved all the more unfeasible, since in that precinct, the ground had to be filled in higher and higher.  Since most members of the congregation were without means, all the work, including carpentry, was done by the members themselves, and a few of the synodical congregations were approached to chip in a bit.  Already on Trinity Sunday, June 15, 1851, the church was able to be dedicated.  In the morning, Pr. Lochner preached on the Epistle, Rom 11:33-36, and in the afternoon Pr. O. Fürbringer from Freistadt preached on the Gospel for the dedication of a church, Luke 19:1-10.  The picture below has been prepared from a drawing of the author, only that because at the time of the drawing the ground had since been filled in, the basement is no longer visible.

The following Wednesday, June 18, the Synodical conference began in the new Church.  Right at the beginning, it was resolved upon the suggestion of a pastoral conference held in St. Louis on the 14th and 15th of May to send Professor Walther and President Wyneken to Pastor Löhe in Franconia,  ince his deviation from the example of true doctrine in the question of church and office increasingly became apparent; for this man had up to then been the most faithful friend and supporter of the Synod, and, therefore, it lay all the more heavy on the heart of the Synod to restore the disturbed unity of spirit with him though a delegation, since all of the scriptural proceedings had been without result up to that point.  The most important of these writings were the theses on church and office written by Prof. Walther which were discussed in eight sessions and which were the basis of the epochal book “The Voice of our Synod in the Question of Church and Office.”  These sessions which were attended by a considerable number of congregation members were a great blessing for the free course of pure doctrine in Milwaukee and for Wisconsin in general. During these sessions Pastor L. Dulitz from St. John’s joined as a advisory member  and then became a faithful friend and witness to the pastor of Trinity.  And how many at that time let go of their prejudices against our Synod and could thereafter be counted as the truest, most steadfast, and active members of our congregation.

That same year the congregation obtained a valuable increase of mostly Pomeranian Lutherans who had emigrated under Grabau.  As a consequence of that which they had experienced with Pastor Grabau, especially in a doctrinal dispute over the person of Christ and, likewise, with the doctrine and practice of Pr. Klügel, they went astray due to the lack of an orthodox preaching office and formed a separate congregation under the leadership of an old, knowledgeable man named Roggenbuck.  This congregation edified itself during its divine services by only reading from Luther’s postils.  However, when they became convinced of the orthodoxy of our Synod after the convention was held and through discussions that they had requested with Pastor Lochner and then with Pastor Fürbringer of Freistadt, they considered it their duty, to give up their separate existence and to join our congregation.  Besides both of the since deceased, former teachers of Pastor Grabau, Zion and Dreyer, one of these members was the still-living, 77-year old Johann Pritzlaff.

Since as a consequence of Pr. Dulitz joining the Synod, both pastors were able to exchange pulpits and to provide mutual assistance, an attempt was made, as the minutes from April 28, 1853, show, at the prompting of Pr. Dulitz to merge St. John’s with Trinity.  When this was without result, St. John, which as yet did not belong to any synod, made a request that year for acceptance into the Missouri Synod, and renewed that request when the Synod was divided into four districts in 1855 with the seat of the Northern District in Milwaukee.  Because here, as in 1853, the Synod required an arrangement of parochial relationships as a condition of acceptance, both congregations requested both presidents, the Synodical President Pastor Wyneken and the District President Pastor Fürbringer, to attend a general assembly after the conclusion of the Synod Convention and to advise them in this matter.  The result of separately held discussion of the Synodical President with the St. John’s congregation was the impossibility of a geographical boundary and the necessity of a merger.  However, things were still not mature enough for a merger.[3]  Rather, the following year St. John’s experienced a division and as a consequence, Pastor Dulitz saw himself compelled to take another call.  The party that stayed with him then joined Trinity.  Among this group was, among other, Jobst Heinrich Büning, a long-time councilman of Trinity and chairman of the congregational assembly.

The growth of the school, however, did not keep stride with congregation at fist.  When the new church was dedicated and the old building was set up for school instruction, Teacher Lemke resigned his office and moved to Freistadt to support his aging parents.  The school, which up to then had 50 children in winter, but only between 24 and 30 children in summer, had to be taught provisionally by various persons and, naturally, under such circumstances could not grow.  He was a man who had not only been trained at a seminary, but who was also very capable in terms of his gift of teaching and discipline, so that the school quickly grew under his guidance.  Unfortunately, he not only lacked the necessary musical education but he also only wanted to be hired provisionally from the onset.

[28]

Chapter III
Continuing Growth in Church and School

Enlarge the place of thy tent, and let them stretch forth the curtains of thine habitations: spare not, lengthen thy cords, and strengthen thy stakes. Jer. 54:2

Especially in the first half of the 1850’s and even beyond that, the number German, and especially Pomeranian, emigrants n Wisconsin grew significantly.  Because of this our congregation grew from year to year.  Although still at that time no one could suspect that the south side of the city which at relativel to that time was still sparsely populated would experience such a boom as it now has, nevertheless it was considered well advised, given the increasing immigration, to preemptively set about mission work there. Initially pastors Lochner and Dulitz, supported by several members who lived there, made the attempt to establish a school.  So, an old school house that stood on a hill near St. John’s Episcopal Church was rented at a low rate and the instruction was handed over to an old school teacher named Riebling who had just immigrated from Holstein, but so that catechesis was given by the two pastors.  Then in July 1853 bother pastors began to trade off preaching in this school on Sunday afternoon.  As early as July of the following year this resulting in [29] a branch-off.  The small number of members of our congregation who lived on the south side, along a few members of St. John’s and a few other Lutherans living in the area, organized an independent congregation under the name St. Stephen’s congregation and called Pastor Philipp Fleischmann from Rochester, N.Y. who had been suggested to them by the synod.  Just how much the growth on the south side of the city increased the growth of the church is shown by the fact in 1884 an entirely new congregation could be established by St. Stephens, the St. Martini congregation, whose leadership was taken over by Pr. Gotthold Löber who up to then had acted as an assistant preacher. According to this year’s parochial report the voting membership of St. Martini has already climbed to 335. And these two congregations have already daughtered a pair of new, small congregations:  Ebenezer from St. Martini and Jehovah from St. Stephens.  According to the parish report Jehovah has 384 voting members.

In June of 1855, just one years after this branching off, our congregation’s school was able to be expanded to include a second class.  Franz Bodemer, was appointed teacher of the lower class that was created by this expansion.  He was first graduate of a seminary exclusively for educating private school teachers [30] which pastors Lochner, Fleischmann, and Dietz brought into existence in 1854 with the help of Teacher Dietz and with the charitable support of the congregation.  Since teacher Dietz acted as organist and cantor in the divine services, the new teacher was given the office of sexton, which he administered with great love and extraordinary skill.

In the middle of this prosperous development, it suddenly seemed as if the pastor’s work for the congregation and the church in general would come to an end.   The pastor caught a cold during while administering an official act in a distant house in January 1856 which brought with it a throat ailment. Because of this, Pastor Lochner could only talk at a whisper and started to wonder if he would ever be able to preach again.  Until Easter, only a liturgy of the word could be held and communion only took occasionally place under Pastor Fleischmann.  Yet the Lord, to whom prayerful hands were raised, give the pastor his voice back.

Things turned out differently for Teacher Dietz.  After he had the joy of seeing the small organ without pedals which had been used heretofore replaced by a organ which for that quite large considering conditions at the time and which had been built for 900 by Wolfram in Chicago[4], an organ with which his playing was finally able to really serve the edification of the congregation, he was affected with chest disease [Brustleiden].  Because of this, he had to permanently resign his office at the school after seven years of blessed work.  But he has continued to occasionally serve the congregation by playing organ even to the present and was a member of the school council for a time.  [31]

After a long vacancy during which a number of calls were without result, August Brose, up to then pastor of a small rural congregation in Woodland, Wisconsin, was called as successor upon the recommendation of the District President, and he was also engaged as an assistant preacher, so that he assisted with communion and preached every four weeks.  He entered his office in January of 1860, but followed another call already two years later as pastor of a rural congregation.  His successor as teacher was Franz Härtel, previously teacher of the Lutheran congregation in St. Charles, Mo.  Elected on February 3, 1862, he was installed at the beginning of May.  He also was also proficiently educated in music and rendered outstanding service for congregational singing and by leading the choir. 

Not long after the branching off of St. Stephan on the South side, one began to think about beginning a mission work in a similar manner on the North side.  But when a so-called “mission school” had been begun by unionists and sectarians in the area of the current St. Matthew congregation, in which school our congregation members who lived there were expected to participate, a branch school had to be established there without hesitation for the sake of our [32] children.  Admittedly, it was small, exceedingly small, at first.  An old congregation member who lived on Teutonia St., F. Herbst, made room for instructing in his quaint, little home.  The instruction was taken up provisionally by another congregation member who lived in the vicinity, F. Kohls.  In Spring of 1960, work was begun on the construction of a one-story schoolhouse on the corner of Teutonia Street and what is now Garfield Ave.  The property had been donated by J. Pritzlaff.  The buiding was dedicated late that year and at this occasion Teacher W. Kohlman, previously teacher of the congregational school in Freistadt, who had been definitively called was installed in his office.  However, after a year and a half he resigned and the school was taken over by Teacher Gottfried Dreyer. 

Soon after the dedication of the school, Pastor Lochner began to preach there on Sunday afternoons.  But because the work for the pastoral office had become excessively great due to the constant growth of the congregation, in June of 1865 the congregation called candidate August Crull, at that time professor at Concordia College in Fort Wayne, as assistant preacher.  Through this it became possible that divine serves could be held every Sunday morning in the branch school which was most often conducted by the assistant preacher.  To the sorrow of the pastor and the entire congregation, Crull saw it necessary to resign his office a half year later due to a serious throat ailment.  After some time, at the recommendation of Prof. Walther the congregation called Pastor George Reinsch, who shortly before this had left the Iowa Synod.  Because it was seen as both necessary and beneficial that the pastor who had been called should live in the vicinity of the branch school, but the congregation nevertheless did not wish to branch off quite yet, but to remain in connection with the congregation for a while, [33] the congregation split itself into two geographical districts, just as the congregation in St. Louis had done, the Trinity district and the Immanuel district.  Pastor Reinsch was, therefore, not called as an assistant preacher, but as a second pastor and, in fact, with the addition that the Immanual district should become an independent congregation during his time there.  Until then, both pastors were to serve in the Sunday and weekday divine services in both congregations by regularly exchanging pulpits; each district held monthly separate assemblies and both congregations handled their common concerns in quarterly general assemblies.

Although shortly before this was established the school room had to be expanded through the construction of a small altar choir, in a short amount of time the building couldn’t contain the listeners anymore.  Thus the construction of Immanuel by the entire congregation came sooner than expected.  This church was able to be dedicated as early as the third Sunday in Advent, 1866.  As is known, this church has for some years had a stately façade with two towers, a large one and a small one.  Originally, it was 103 feet long and 44 feet wide including the choir altar and cost 11,000 dollars with the uncompleted tower and the interim altar and pulpit.  Meanwhile, the school had grown to two classes.  Teacher Hoppe was appointed to the upper class. Two years after the dedication of the church, the relationship which heretofore existed in church government was dissolved at the desire of the Immanuel district and it became an independent congregation.  Just how much this congregation has increased in the course of time, especially under the current pastor, Pr. G. Küchle, who has served the congregation since 1873 after P. G. Reisch was called away, is seen in the large congregation Zion which branched off of Immanuel.  According to this year’s parish report, Zion counts 152 voting members und the current [34] Pastor E. Albrecht and has a school in two classes with 173 children, while Zion still has a voting membership of 430.

It cannot be left unmentioned that two mission congregations have been founded since 1890.  One is Emmaus.  This congregation was founded by the congregations on the north side which to this end purchased 6 lots on the corner of Hadley and 23rd St. upon which a s.  With the continuous support of the sister congregations and namely our Trinity congregation, Emmaus was finally successful in having its own pastor in the person of Pr. J. Rubels and a beautiful frame church with a steeple. According to this year’s parish report the congregation consists of 197 voting members and has, besides the church building, a school consisting of three classes. The other mission congregation is Bethany. This was founded on October 4, 1893, by the inner mission as a city mission with 14 members and it called Pastor W. Rudolph who was installed as city missionary on November 26.  At the beginning this congregation held its services in a private houses, supported by other congregations and has grown in its number of members. It ventured to build a frame church along with a school room on the corner of Brown and 33rd St. which was dedicated May 27, 1894.  At the same time it serves as the springboard for city mission work. According to this year’s parish report it counts 46 voting members and has a school with 74 children under Teacher A. J. Dorn. [35]

As is known, the colloquium in held in Buffalo in November 1866 under God’s gracious assistance led to a desired brotherly agreement between a significant portion of the Buffalo Synod and our Missouri Synod. Trinity along with Immanuel was able to enjoy the sweet fruit of this agreement in as much as some of the portion of St. Paul’s which left the Buffalo Synod joined Trinity and others Immanuel at the beginning of November, 1968. The siblings Gustav, Franz, and Wilhelm Wolläcker, and Wilhelm Will, Eduard Hinze et al. became members of Trinity.

Not long after Immanuel branched off, Trinity heard again the call to enlarge her tents and expand her curtains. This time, however, it happened in an entirely unexpected and special way.  On the corner of Prairie and 9th St. there was a steep hill grown up with bushes and flower that had been constructed in the form of a terrace extending to 8th street upon the summit of which there was a house with a portico to the east and west and from which one could enjoy a glorious view of the city and the sea.  This was the “terrace garden” which was created and inhabited for a number of years by Franz Lackner, one of the earliest settlers. The inhabitance, which had fallen into other hands, was changed into biergarten and as such it was favorite place of entertainment for a number of years, especially on Sundays. When on account of the expansion of the school, the congregation again found itself in the difficulty that the property did not offer any more room and [36] the adjacent properties had to be filled in significantly which confronted the congregation with the prospect of significant costs, Johann Pritzlaff secretly obtained the terrace garden which had been offered for sale and surprised the congregation in the assembly on April 5, 1868, with the news that he had some time ago secretly purchased the terrace garden with the adjacent two lots, altogether 8 lots, next to the 15 foot wide alley and was willing to donate the 6 lots that made up the terrace garden with the condition that the congregation was willing to build a church and a school upon it regardless of whether or not the school or church was built first. It can be imagined that the congregation which was so happily surprised unanimously accepted this so valuable gift with great thanks and resolved to take on the construction of a school that year.  In the next monthly assembly, it was further resolved to build a massive brick building for this purpose at the cost of 14,000 dollars at the foot of the terrace garden on 8th St. and eventually to build a stately church on the location.

Already in the middle of July 1868, the cornerstone could be laid, and Sunday after New Years, January 3, 1869, the school dedicated.  It holds four great school rooms with high ceilings and in the basement it has a confirmation room and an assembly hall.  Also, if necessary, the large space in the attic could be used accordingly.  There were already three teachers that moved into the new building with their students: George Steubner who took the place of Franz Bodemer teaching the lower class after the latter was called away; Johannes Wegner, who in 1866 [37] was called to instruct the newly established middle class, and Wilhelm Hoffman as teacher of the upper class and successor of Franz Härtel, called away in 1864.

What’s more, two other teachers along with their students moved in as well.  In Spring of 1868, pastors Lochner, Steinbach, and Reinsch, supported by the members of their respective congregations, worked on starting up a progymnasium which was to become a Realgymnasium and called Pastor Crull who had since recuperated for the institution-in-the-making.  Lackner’s inhabitance was then offered to him and his family to live in and for instruction of his students.  At the same time, the congregations of the Wisconsin Synod in the area nurtured thoughts of establishing a similar institution and when Dr. Hermann Dümling who had arrived from German offered his significant competence as a natural scientist and, because the first steps had been already taken to establishing a brotherly connection between both synods, the congregations of both synods combined efforts in the common work on this new institution, formed it as a high school [höhere Bürgerschule] and also called Dr. Dümling to work there.  For a while, instruction was held in the Lackner inhabitance; when, however, the rooms there [38] no longer sufficed, the congregation offered for use the fourth room of the school house which was still empty which room was then divided in two for this purpose.

However, after the school had found its new and stately home at the foot of the terrace garden, the old church soon followed suit, i.e. on February 1, 1869, it used the sales of the previous property and the old school house on Wells St. to place the school on rollers and move it to 9th St.  Because a storm moved in shortly after the move had begun, and progress became increasingly difficulty the more it went uphill toward 9th St., it took seven weeks to get the school to the place.  During this time St. John’s which belongs to the Wisconsin Synod, kindly let us use their church to hold evening services for which we here express our thanks. It was Good Friday when Trinity could again hold services in its church.

The last part of this was the construction of a parsonage on the new property which was taken up that year.  Up to then the pastor had to rent his lodgings.  This parsonage was built on 8th street, but 10 years later it was brought to 9th street where it now stands.  Likewise, the teachers Steuber, Hoffmann, and Wegner also built modest, one-story houses on the property in a row next to the parsonage.  The attached picture is a copy from a photo of the school along with the two-story parsonage and the house of Teacher Steuber to the right and the church in the background. [39]The new schoolhouse [40]

At this new location, the congregation continued to grow year to year.  Despite the branching off of Immanuel, the voting member ship of the congregation came to 287 in the year 1875 and had with God’s blessing developed a school in five classes which was visited 358 and instructed according to a unified curriculum.  The widow Josephine Gosch taught the first or preparatory class, Teacher Georg Steuber taught the second class; Teacher Christian Weigle taught the third class; Teacher Gustav Scholz taught the fourth class; and Teacher Johannes Wegner taught the fifth class.  The last of these had taken Teacher Hoffmann’s place since Hoffmann had to resign his position due to his ailing circumstance.

At the beginning of 1876, year of the pastor’s activity at this place came to an end after 26 years when it pleased the Lord to call him to another part of his vineyard.

[41]

Chapter IV

A New Period in the History and Development of the Congregation

Be glad, people of Zion, rejoice in the Lord your God, for he has given you the autumn rains because he is faithful. He sends you abundant showers, both autumn and spring rains, as before.      Joel 2: 23

            In the Winter of 1875, the practical theological seminary of the Missouri Synod was moved from St. Louis to Springfield, the capital of Illinois.  Since both the institution and the congregation there, Trinity, needed an experienced pastor given their circumstances at that time and Pastor Link was called, and when he declined the call, the author accepted.  The call stuck both pastor and congregation in Adventide like a bolt of lightning out of fair weather.  During his 26 years there, the pastor had received so many calls, but did not see any of them as divine, not even the call from the previous year to serve at the teachers’ seminary.  Also, with call the Lord’s voice could not immediately be discerned.  But when three requested assessments—one from Professor Walther, the other from Pr. Fürbringer, the District President, and the third from Pr. Crull, the previous assistant preacher—unanimously advised the acceptance of the call; [42] and Professor Walther’s assessment especially called attention to the importance of this call for the theological institution; proven members of the congregation from every side expressed along with the moved heart of the entire assembly, “It is the Lord who does what pleases him!”  Since there was danger in hesitating on account of the congregation in Springfield, the pastor had to hurriedly prepare his 60 confirmands and hold his farewell sermon already on the Septuagesima, Frebruary 12, 1876, whereby the basis of the sermons was the words of the Lord Matthew 28:20, “And see, I am with you even unto the end of the age.”
            Against everyone’s expectations the congregation remained vacant up until July, despite having submitted  call already at the end of December.  During this long vacancy, the student Friedrich Wambganss gave the sermon on Sunday and feast days members of the clergy in that area helped with performing official acts.  Finally, after suggestions sought from Prof. Walther were without result, the congregation turned to the District President at that time, Pr. C. Strasen at Watertown who immediately referred a younger pastor in Minnesota.

            This was the present pastor, Heinrich Friedrich Sprengeler, oldest son Heinrich Sprengeler now pastor emeritus at Mankato, Minnesota.  Born August 1846 in Obendormark, Hannover, he immigrated as at ten years of age with his parents, who then settled in Minnesota. After completing six years of preparation at the Concordia Gymasium in Fort Wayne, he studied theology for three years under Dr. Walther at the preachers’ seminary in St. Louis and then followed a call to [43] a newly established rural congregation in Minnesota, St. Peters in Town Elysian, Le Sueur county, were he was ordained and installed by his father August 21, 1870.  Besides the main congregation, he had to serve four branches which were 8 to 30 miles distant from one another and to hold school as well.  After six years of work at this, his first post, he followed the call of our Trinity congregation and was installed by his predecessor with the assistance of Pastor H. Löber from St. Stephan’s on the 7th Sunday after Trinity, July 30, 1876.  The text of the installation sermon was the Gospel of the day, the feeding of the 4000, which was applied to the newly called pastor and the congregation.  A few months before accepting the call from Milwaukee, he was—according to God’s inscrutable, but always wise counsel—hit with a heavy blow when death tore from him his dear wife, Martha, nee Stüble, who had left behind two young daughters.  But in May of the following year, the Lord brought to him a pious wife and a faithful mother of the two orphans in the person of Miss Julia Löber, the oldest daughter of Pastor H. Löber and the niece of his predecessor. [44]

On the following Sunday, the 8th Sunday after Trinity, Pastor Sprengeler held his inaugural sermon on Jeremiah 1:6-8.  He answered the question: “Where do I find joy in assuming my office among you?” upon the basis of the text: “1. Not in myself, but rather 2. In the Lord, my God.”  How happy was the congregation to again be provided with a shepherd after such a long vacancy!   And how richly has the Lord blessed his faithful work until the present day!

At the time of when he entered office, the congregation had circa 280 voting members.  But because the number of the congregation members began to grow dramatically, the construction of a larger house of God was drawn into serious consideration at the congregational assembly on August 5, 1877, at the suggestion of the council, and the same assembly named a committee which would report to the following committee on the means and ways for a construction.  On October 7, 1877, the committee reported “that corresponding to our circumstances 25 to 30,000 dollars could be raised.”  Upon this it was resolved that the present plans should be hanged in the basement of the schoolhouse for everyone to see and a committee would be named that would gather subscriptions in the course of the month.  As soon as the November assembly the committee could report about 16,735 dollars in subscriptions.  Upon this it was resolved: 1. To build a new church, 2.  To begin construction before 20,000 had been subscribed, and 3. That the entire construction along with the interior should cost 20 to 25,000 dollars.  For this purpose a building committee was named consisteing of Wilhelm Wolläger, Jobst H. Büning, Johann Koch, Julius Bruss, Ferdinand eissfeldt, Wilhalm Harttert, Adam Kronenberger, Fredinand Buth and the trustees Johann Pritzlaff, Friedrich richter and Heinrich Starke.  [45] The congregation demonstrated great joyfulness which was not even dampened by the fact that the construction was to cost a significantly greater amount.  Under God’s blessing the work was begun and performed in peace and unity.
            After preparations were favorably completed, the traditional laying of the cornerstone took place on the afternoon of the third Sunday after Trinity 1878 with a huge turn-out.  Along with other documents, the following pieces of writing were laid in the cornerstone: the Book of Concord, the hymnal, Dietrich’s catechism, the Synodical publications Lutheraner, Lehre und WehreSchulblatt, along with the congregation’s constitution and a short history of the congregation written by this author.  The festival address was held by Pastor Sprengeler on 1 Cor. 3:11

            While construction was going on, the congregation made another important resolution on May 4, 1879.  This concerned the acquisition of a new organ and this matter was handed over to a committee consisting of Gustav Wolläger, Johann Koch, Christian Diez, Teacher J. Wegner, Teach L. Wissbeck, Teacher G. Steuber, and Franz Feiling.  More detailed information will be given later concerning this organ.  For now, it should be mentioned that the organ used up to this point was sold to a sister congregation in Manistee, Michigan.

Then came the day of festive dedication of the new house of God.  A great number of people participated on Misercordia Domini, April, 1880.  After a farewell service in the old frame church on 9th street, we marched in a procession into the new church.  At the invitation of the congregation, the author of this history preached in the morning on Psalm 2:11.  In the afternoon, the District President, Pastor C. Strasen from Watertown preached, and in the the evening Prof. A Crull from Fort Wayne, IN., preached in English. Monday evening there was a church concert with a speech from the author. [46]

The church, a brick building with a massive foundation out of Milwaukee quarrystone towers at the corner of Prairie and 9th St. and was build under the direction of architect F. Vellguth from Milwaukee.

As the picture on the next page show, the church was built in a cruciform.  The main nave measures 55×106 feet, including the 36 foot long sanctuary (altar choir) is 142 feet long; the transept is 42×47 feet on both sides. The basement has a hall with a narthex for holding congregational assemblies.  The portal with both steeples faces west and the altar faces east.  The smaller steeple on the Southwestern side is 128 feet high, and the height of the main steeple on the northwest side is 200 feet.  Given the impression of strength and power that it makes, it rises lightly and in a slender way into the air passing from a square form into an octagonal form. Is a very accurate clock from the factory of Howard, N.Y. and under the clock is a belfry at a height of 84 feet from which three bells molded in Troy, NY., call to service with their harmonious tones in a D-minor triad.  The largest bell which strikes a D weighs 6,263 pounds.  Besides the name: “Deutsche Ev. Luth. Dreieinigkeitsgemeinde U.A.C.—A.D. 1880” each bell bears its own inscription in a particular language.  As a testimony to the connection with the ancient Western Church, the largest bell has an inscription in Latin which following Luke 2: 14 reads: “Gloria in Excelsis Deo, et in Tera Pax, Hominibus Bonae Voluntatis” (Glory to God in the highest and peace on earth and good will toward men;” on the second-largest bell is written in the language of the congregation, the mother tongue of the Reformation, following Ps. 100:2: “Dienet dem Hernn mit Freuden, kommt vor sein Angesicht mit Frohlocken,” (Serve the Lord with joy and come before him with shouts of joy), and upon the third, [47] The new Trinity church building [48] the smallest bell, in the language of the country in which the Lutheran church had found such a glorious place of freedom, according to Ps. 150:6: “Let everything that hat breath praise the Lord.”  The interior corresponds to the exterior.  The altar and pulpit, carved according to the blueprints of the architect, is a piece a art.  Besides that, an oil painting depicting the resurrection of Christ adorns the altar painted by F.W. Wehle, a member of the congregation at that time. To the right and left of the altar in the sanctuary are two arched windows with stained glass, each displaying two evangelists, and above the altar is a large round window with a diameter of seven feet displaying Jesus, the friend of children.  This points at the same time to the beautiful baptistery in the form of a chalice which is placed at the entrance of the sanctuary.  This was built and donated by A. Thiedt, a previous member of the congregation who is now a member of Immanuel.  According to ecclesiastical custom and with the correct understanding—not above the altar, as is unfortunately done here and there in imitation of the English sect, but rather opposite the altar the West end of the nave is the place the from which the congregational singing is led and edified by the artful singing of a choir from the congregations midst, is located on the west end of the nave.  This is the loft for the organ and the choir which is born by a few columns.  The organ which is 30 feet high and 20 feet wide was built by the well-known organ builder W. Schülke, a member of the Lutheran St. Matthew congregation here in Milwaukee, for the price of 3,500 dollars. It has 34 registers alongside four combination pedals and 1,600 pipes among which are 34 front pipes in nine panels.  The housing corresponds in style to the carving of the altar and pulpit.  This organ is an excellent work in every respect and distinguishes itself with its gentle and melodious sound.

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The total cost of the church’s construction which had been contracted under favorable circumstances came to circa 40,000 dollars.  The congregation members came up with most of this at the beginning without any outside help and later completely paid off the rest.  Busack supplied the masonry; Mand the carpentry; Bierfach and Niedermeyer did the shingles and the galvanized iron; Goodman did lighting and the gas piping; the chancel, altar, pews and other interior furniture were supplied by J. Bruss and W. Wolläger; the organ housing, doors, wood panels for the walls and the winders, as well as the rails for the organ choir by W. Willer; the iron work was by Jobst H. Büning—all of them from Milwaukee and most of them congregation members.  The stained glass was supplied by G.A. Misch from Chicago and the frescoes by Jansen and Schubert of Chicago.
 

The main nave, covered with a ceiling of a gorgeous crossvault with pointed arches, has 1,000 seats.  It has neither side galleries or porticoes which could break up the sound; although the northern side-arm does, for its part, compromise the sound for the middle seats and a powerful voice and a well-articulated expression is necessary to fill all the spaces.

Since the number of members increased steadily and Pr. Sprengeler had additionally been asked by the superintendents of the newly founded Progymnasium  to weekly provide two hours of catechism instruction in the institution, in the assembly on December 4, 1881 the congregation called as assistant preacher candidate Carl Huth who had been called as professor at the institution.  He was then ordained on the 3rd Sunday after Ephiphany 1822 by Pastor Sprengeler. 

Furthermore, in the congregational assembly from June 1, 1882, the school council was commissioned to advise concerning the usefulness, vid. necessity, of the establishment of a new [50] school district in the west of the city and to report at the following assembly.  The report in the March assembly was favorable.  Although this matter would be taken up energetically, it was delayed until May 6, 1883.  When school councilman Johann Koch informed this assembly that he had purchased piece of property on 24½ St. and Cold Spring Ave. to donate it to the congregation and when it was thereby mentioned that Wilhelm Willer had offered to supply at no cost all the doors and windows for the first floor of a frame building to be erected on this property as well as that 250 dollars had already been commited by a few congregation members for the construction, the congregation then seized upon it with cordial thanks.  The congregation resolved to take up the construction of a “mission school” and elected to a construction committee Johann Koch, Carl Hilgendorf, Wilhelm Landeck, Johann Schwarz, Wilhelm Willer, Wilhelm Harttert, and Christian Widule and Teachers G. Steuber and L. Wissbeck along with Julius Grunwald as collectors. Since the gathered subscriptions came to $1000, the congregation accepted the suggestions of the building committee in the next assembly and resolved to erect a two-story school building 26 feet wide [51] and 46 feet long.  For the soon to be created “fifth class,” the congregation called the teacher candidate J. Schmitt who had been recommended to them. He was then installed in his office on the 15th Sunday after Trinity 1883 by Pr. Sprengler.  In the afternoon on the same day, however, the new school building was dedicated with a sermon by Pr. G. Küchle.  Neverthless, the addition of this  “mission school” gave rise to the thought of a new institution. The congregation handed over temporary leadership of the school to G. Steuber.  Because, however, a second teacher became increasingly necessary for this “mission school”, the congregation finally called Friedrich Buuck, then teacher at Cross congregation, as teacher of upper class.  He was installed on the 22nd Sunday after Trinity, 1884, by Pr. Sprengeler.

At the convention of the Wisconsin District of 1885 which was held at Trinity, Pr. Sprengeler was elected District President.   Since his work was increased considerably thereby and furthermore since too much was being demanded of the assistant preacher, Prof. Huth for him to offer sufficient assistance in [52] the pastoral office, the congregation called the St. Louis candidate of theology, Wilhelm Knuf, who had been recommended as assistant preacher.  He was ordained amid the congregation on the 6th Sunday after Trinity, 1886.

During this, Trinity was constantly growing.  Toward the end of 1886, the number of voting members had climbed to 537.  More and more the conviction took hold, that the founding of a new congregation through a branch-off should be undertaken.  The congregation believed to have compelling reasons for not accepting the offer of a Mr. Johnston, who had heard about the intended branch-off, to donate four lots in the so-called Moltke Park, if the congregation would build a church on it.  But when Pr. Sprengeler made the announcement on  April 4, 1886, that John Pritzlaff and John Koch had purchased two lots next to the branch school  on Cold Spring Ave. and were offering these to the congregation as a gift, the congregation accepted this officer with heart-felt thanks and resolved to purchase two further construction sites, in order to have enough room for a parsonage along with the church to be built next to the school. On August 8, a separate meeting of those members who lived in the vicinity and were interested in a separate congregation took place in the branch school under the chairmanship of Franz Wolläger.  This meeting was able to report in the regular congregational assembly that it was the express desire of a number of members to proceed with founding such a congregation.  To this goal a committee of 5 members was named to collect money for the purchase of the two recommended construction sites and 350 dollars was immediatedly subscribed by 35-40 gathered brethren.  This work also flourished in peace and under God’s blessing.  After Pr. Sprengeler [53] and Pr. Knuf alternated conducting service in the morning and catechesis was hald by Teacher Buuch in the afternoon, the cornerstone of a frame church after the plan of the architect Schnetzky was able to be laid and on the 12th Sunday after Trinity 1887 the completed house of God under the name Bethlehem was able to be dedicated to the service of the Triune God.  This newest daughter congregation, richly endowed by its mother, then obtained in Pastor Johann Schlerf, up to then pastor in Janesville, Wisconsin, its own pastor who was installed by Pastor Sprengeler with the assistance of Pr. Carl Huth on September 30, 1888.  How much this congregation has grown in a timeframe of 10-11 years is proven by the fact that the according to the Statistical Yearbook at the beginning of this year the congregation had 241 voting members and the number of school children was 303 which are instructed by three male teachers and a female teacher.

            Since after two years Pastro Knuf exchanged his office as an assistant preacher for a sole pastorship in the northern Wisconsin, Prof. Huth again took up his position for the time being.  Since, however, Prof. Huth later on again desired to be relieved of his office as assistant preacher, the congregation on August 4, 1889, called their former pastor, the author of this history, as its assistant preacher.  Indeed, the author finally had to resign his pastoral office in Springfield, Ill., because of illness and had moved with his family in June 1887 without any hope of ever being able to serve again in the pastoral office.  However, a year of complete rest had unexpectedly strengthened me, so that already in 1888 I was able to assist here and there with preaching and again mount the pulpit at Trinity.  In the diploma of vocation which the congregation issued it read that “[I] was to assist the pastor of our congregation according to my ability in his office, especially in the administration of the Holy Supper.”  On the 12th Sunday after Trinity 1889, [54] in the morning, the author was installed into the office of assistant preacher with a sermon by Pr. Sprengeler under the assistance of Pr. G. Kückle and Pr. O. Willkomm from Planitz, the president of the Saxon Free Church who was present here at that time.  The latter held a guest sermon at the evening service.  Since then it has been grantet to the author of this history to service his former, beloved congregation in the office of assistant preacher and even if because of his age he is no longer able to assist much with preachers as he could two years ago, but must rather limit himself to other assistance, he is nevertheless capable of one again mounting the pulpit should the case arise.

To conclude this chapter, two events must be remembered in retrospect. The first regards the old Trinity church, which, as already mention, was still located at 9th street at the dedication of the current church.  Shortly afterward, it was dismantled, but not made to ruins, but to be rebuilt in its old form at the then northeast border of the city in “Williamsburg, and there to further serve God’s kingdom.  Because of it’s firm timbers, the sister congregation there, Holy Ghost, obtained the old church for a small sum, dismantled it, and rebuilt it at the location and there it stand almost unaltered both externally and internally, including the alter and pulpit, to this day, a place for the proclamation of the pure gospel by Pastor. L. Osterhus.  Trinity’s parsonage took over its place on 9th street which was moved there from 8th street.

We cannot say depart from this old house of God without pondering its historical significance for the Church which it achieved through the church gatherings held therein on account of which [55] the blessed Pastor F. Bünger used to call Milwaukee the “American Nicea.”

First of all, here belong a series of Synod conventions.  Besides the epochal convention which took place directly after it was dedicated in 1851, the Northern District comprising Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota held its first convention there which was followed by conventions in the years 1858, 1865, 1870, 1873, and 1879.

Furthermore, the decisive colloquium between representatives of the Missouri and Iowa Synods took place in this church in 1867 from November 13 to 19, which was recorded via stenography and published by Pr. Beyer and is preserved for the recognition and judgment of posterity.  Not only a significant number of member of our three congregations were present for the, but also besides the pastors of our Synod, pastors from the Iowa Synod, the Buffalo Synod, and the Wisconsin Synod.  The differences that existed between both Synods in the doctrine chiliasm and the Anitichrist as well as in respect to the so-called open questions and the obligation to the Symbols were treated.  Unfortunately, this did not result in agreement, but rather the doctrinal gulf between the two synods first became completely apparent.

With God’s blessing the colloquium held October 22, 1868 between the Wisconsin and Missouri Synod met with much better success.  This colloquium was not held in the church, but in a private resident, the house of the brothers Eissfeld, but occurred in the midst of the congregation.  The result was the brotherly unity of both synods that exists even to this day and through [56] which by God’s grace both synods fought shoulder to shoulder for the correct doctrine confessed in the 10th article of the Formula of Concord in the doctrinal controversy that broke out in 1878, 1880, and 1881 on election.

And finally, another, older brotherly connection should be briefly recalled, which had was first occasion in the old Trinity church.  It happened in the second half of the 1850’s that a Norwegian pastor who was traveling through held a sermon for the Norwegians living here from the pulpit of the old church.  This preacher was the old, but still living Pastor J. A. Ottesen, now pastor emeritus in Decorah, Iowa.  This first provided the occasion for a personal exchange between Pastor Ottesen and some of his colleagues with the pastor of the church and his colleague at that time, Pastor F. Steinbach from St. Stephen. Through pronunciations on the burning questions of that time, the question of church and office and the efficacy of the sacraments, wherein a few difference at first came to light, and through the recognition of issues of the first volume of Lehre und Wehre, the theological montly of our Synod, which had already been published at that time, a closer familiarization of the Norwegian brothers with the doctrine of our Synod.  When these Norwegian brothers made themselves known through a trip to St. Louis, Mo with Dr. Walther and his colleagues at Concordia Seminary, this resulted in a brotherly connection between the Norwegian Synod with ours and eventually in their participation in the establishment of the Synodical Conference.  And that this intimate, brotherly relationship continues to despite the fact that that portion which remained true to the correct doctrine found it good solely in consideration of the bond of love to break off its connection to the Synodical Conference as a consequence of the rift in the Norwegian Synod that resulted from the Election Controversy, is demonstrated by a submission in issue 13 of the previous volume of the Lutheranerwhich [57] bears the title: “Among our old allies, the honorable Norwegian Synod.”

The other synodical gathering in the midst of our congregation was the gathering of the delegate synod in 1890.  This was opened with a service at Trinity with a sermon from Pr. Bühler of San Francisco, Cal., and the proceedings took place at the Lincoln Hall which was rented by the congregation.

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Chapter V

Various Conflicts Within and Without.

“Every one with one of his hands wrought in the work, and with the other hand held a weapon.”  Neh. 4:17

   As with its inception, the growth of the congregation did not proceed without conflict.  The first two decades were especially marked as a time of confict, often by very upsetting conflicts both without and withing.

First there was the drawn-out conflict with the Buffolo Synod which arose just as our Synod was coming into existence with the acceptance of our congregations and which placed our congregation on the frontlines.  This conflict was most heated when the second synodical report from Buffola just after the author entered office in June 1850 (the first appeared in 1845).  In this report, mien like Professors Walther and Loeber were called “deliberately false teachers and public sinners” whom “one should avoid according to God’s Word.”  The entire Synod of Missouri was called an “Ahab’s Synod” and a “Synod of Abomination” etc. and the title page of the synodical report referred to President Walther along with Loeber as “guardians of  mobs” [Rottenbeschuetzer]; likewise the Missouri congregations in Milwaukee, Freistadt, Kirchkeyn, and Buffalow were called abominable “mob congregations” [Rottengemeinden] and their pastors Keyl, Lochner and Bürger [59] were not legitimate Christian preachers according to 1 Pet 4:15 and John 10:1, but rather “mob priests” and “chieftains in Satan’s service” and therefore had to recalled by our Synod and their congregations had to be returned to the Buffalo Synod. 

Since misgivings toward the acceptance of these congregations and the legitimacy of their pastors’ calls had been aroused here and there within our Synod because of such attacks and as a consequence of the distortions of that synodical report, in Autumn of that year our Synod gathered in St. Louis saw itself compelled to deal once again with the matter of these congregations and pastors which had been so harshly accused and with it the matter of the Synod itself.  This occurred in six sessions that were so extensive that all misgivings disappeared and the Synod became all the more convinced of the legitimacy of accepting the congregations and the legitimacy of their pastors’ calls.  The Synod made a declaration to this effect.  (Cf. the 4th Synodalbericht 1850, pg. 34) According to another resolution, however, both a refutation of the false doctrine expressed in the Buffalo synodical report as well as a justification of the Synod’s proceedings in accepting those who had left the Buffolo synod were published in which in particular the matter of the congregations in Milwaukee, Freistadt, and Kirchheyn was discussed.  This was done in the 9th volume of the Lutheraner, the former in a serial “tabular” overview, the latter in a supplement, as well as in the Nothwehrblatt which was published by the author of this history from the middle of 1857 until the end of 1858 at the behest of the pastoral conference of St. Louis and the pastoral conference of Milwaukee.  Praise God that this heated battled came to a complete and good end in the Buffalo colloquium held in 1866 which has already been mentioned.  May it, therefore, not be considered superfluous when [60] a passage from the presidential address with which Pr. Fürbringer opened the first meeting of the Northern District at Trinity in 1855 is cited for the evaluation of this heated conflict.  After it was pointed out that the Buffalo Synod which was so inimical toward us had so bitterly accused us in the Old World, in Saxony and namely in Prussia and Bavaria, the two motherlands of our northern colonies, it read further: “The Synod of Missouri would never have set a foot in Wisconsin’s parishes or sent a preacher to one of the congregations that had separated from the Buffalo Synod, had not the loveless, falsely placed spirit, which with blatant injustices and mistreatments demanded recognition and submission with blatant injustice, driven to us consciences which were burdened beyond measure.   At the end of the 28th article of the Augsburg Confession it read: “St. Peter forbade to bishops such dominance as if they had the power to coerce churches however they wanted.  It is not that we want to take from the bishops their power, but rather we ask and desire that they would not coerce consciences to sin.  When they, however, will not do such and despise this request, they might consider how they will have answer to God how with their callousness they have given occasion for a separation and schism which they ought to help prevent.”  Not everything that glitters is gold; not all have proceeded against their preachers in the Spirit of Christ; but it was honest, pious souls which despite all attempts toward their Synod found no protection who sighed out and sent to us!  How could answer before God, had we ignored them.  But as their previous pastors continued to brand them as the most abominable sinners before all the world, sp that anyone who was not aware would come to the thought that they were guilty of this or that scandal, unchastity, gluttony, etc.

After the struggle for the legitimate right of the congregation’s development and existence and for the legitimacy of their pastor’s call had been fought, a conflict over confession which had broken out in the midst of the congregation caused a good amount of distress, especially when a such a controversy soon broke out in the neighboring congregation in Freistadt.

At first private confession was used exclusively in the congregation.  Along with its beautiful order of service, it had taken this practice over from the Buffalo Synod.  It was, therefore, no small joy for Pastor Keyl, as well as his successor, to find this in place.  Private confession was with only very few exceptions the only manner of confession before the Holy Supper, namely as this is presented in the 5th chief part of Luther’s catechism, and its great worth is witnessed not only in the writings of Luther, but also in the Confessions of the Lutheran Church in the 9th and 25th articles of the Augsburg Confession where the accusation is refuted as if private confession were to be done away with in the Lutheran Church. General Confession which is now common first gained currency at the beginning of the previous century, namely since the intrusion of rationalism.

Admittedly, the desire of a few individuals for the introduction of general confession alongside private confession was made known already in 1851 and 1852 and this was dealt with in the congregational assemblies.  However, when an advisory opinion [Gutachten] requested of the Synod in 1852 in regard to the prevailing circumstances in Milwaukee came out against the admission of general [62] confession and in whose commission Pr. Fürbringer dealt orally with the congregation directly after his return from the Synod [convention], this had the result that the congregation unanimously resolved to make no changes in the matter of confession.

And so it remained for the next five years without any unrest on the side of the pastor or the congregation.  There no more talk about change even though the congregation continued to grow yearly and the new members for whom private confession was a completely unknown institution, learned to practice it and by this practice grew fond of it.  However, when considerably unrest arose in sister congregation in Watertown, in which private confession was likewise in exclusive use, due to the handling of private confession, and finally it was seen necessary to permit general confession, a formal proposal for the introduction of general confession was then made by a member, who meanwhile had made an small addendum that claimed that the exclusive use of private confession had compromised Christian freedom.  Through various negotiations as well as through a couple special sermons, those who were mistaken at such a pretense were able to be convinced that just as little harm was done to Christian freedom through the exclusive use of private confession as through the holding to the ancient observance of Sunday as with every ancient ecclesial order which once established had proved to be salutary.  Although the overwhelming majority of congregation members were steadfastly determined not to make any changes, it was feared—not without reason— that the motives of the leader of the movement and some of his friends were not impure.  So it was difficult for the pastor and the congregation to continually have to hear the accusation that Christian freedom had been compromised.  In addition, it happened that because of the actions of the leader and his friend, a few others began to refrain from the Holy Supper on account of their new disinclination toward private confession which had been in use for years, even though it was offered to them that they might go to Holy Supper without making confession so long as they could not be free of their disinclination, if only they would, as they had up to then, notify the pastor and would avail themselves of the general confession and absolution after the sermon for the sake of love and peace.  Since the upcoming convention of the District was to be held again in the congregation, the congregation made use of the opportunity and placed two questions in a submission to the convention to which the pastor then added a third.  It would require too much space to give even a brief sketch of the proceedings of the convention toward answering these question, but these can be read in the 4th report of the Northern District, pgs. 28-34.  But enough, according to the answer given and justified by the convention, the congregation rejected the appeal for the introduction of general confession and did so all the more because the leader of the opposition and his friend characterized private confession and part of the papistic leaven that has to be swept out.  Also during the course of the proceedings, he declared that because young people felt put off by the church due to the catechesis on Sundays [sonntägliche Christenlehre], the congregation had to duty to change this order and to allow for evening sermons on Sunday in the manner of English churches here. Finally, he along with his family separated himself from the congregation and joined the English Episcopal Church, but it also became apparent after his departure that he was a member of an order of freemasons which had long been suspected of him. Likewise, his friend-in-arms separated himself from the congregation, but remained churchless.  Apart from them, no one else left the congregation.  

Yet once again an appeal was made for the introduction of general confession.  This happened eight years later.  Those who made the proposal as well as supporters of it were not opponents of private confession, and had up to then supported private confession and were otherwise tried and true members of the congregation.  They wanted the introduction of general confession only because it became more and more apparent that enemies were successfully using the exclusive use of private confession to keep newly immigrated believers from joining our congregation.  The concern was expressed that given the current size of the congregation, the pastor’s time and energy would not continue to suffice for hearing confession before large communions. After a few calm proceedings, the congregation agreed on the resolution to request an advisory opinion from the theological faculty at St. Louis.  When this opinion came out in favor of the introduction of general confession given the current state of affairs with the addition that private confession should be retained, the congregation resolved on April 8, 1866, to allow the introduction of general confession alongside private confession.  The former took place on Sunday morning or the morning of a feast day, whereas the latter continued to be held on Saturday evening after vespers and confession address [Beichtrede].  For a number of years a large number continued predominately to avail themselves of private confession, not least of all those who had supported the introduction of general confession.  Even up to the beginning of the 1880’s several members were present for private confession.

When this resolution was reached, the country had just come through the sad and frightening time of a five year-long civil war.  The anxiety of that time was not lacking within the congregation.  Especially relevant at that time was the question of slavery.  Since the sectarian preachers at that time began to make a religious question out of a political one by misusing Scripture, e.g. John 8:36, and confused and blended spiritual and physical freedom, the Lutheraner had to testify against such dangerous errors and present the correct teaching on slavery.  This took place in a series of articles.  As in many places so also in our congregation objections were made against this.  Although exactly this teaching on slavery had long previous been treated at the occasion of the exposition of the Pentateuch in the Wednesday services, the 10th commandment and the table of duties in catechesis and in the epistle on Jubilate Sunday and no one raised any objection, nevertheless many members now took offense at the articles in the Lutheraner and made complaints against them in the congregational assembly.   At the same time another concern disturbed the congregation.  A number of congregation members had joined a secret political association that had arisen at that time which had completely taken on the character of a lodge and even had religious ceremonies as more intimate knowledge of the same made doubtlessly clear. Other members had misgivings about this and rightly so. When in a congregational assembly the question was directed to the pastor whether members of a congregation did not permit the existence of a lodge in their midst could belong to this political association, and the pastor answered “no” but added: not in as much as it is a political association, but in as much as it has the character of a lodge; there arose quite a bit of unrest for some time.  With God’s help the pastor succeeded at calming the storm with an advisory opinion that he wrote and the correct teaching on slavery was retained and this unrest passed over without any division or separation.  Oh, the time of the Civil War was in more than one respect a dangerous time, full of temptations, for our Lutheran Christians regardless of what political party they may have belonged to.

At the beginning of 1870 the congregation once again wound up in great distress and a long-lasting period of unrest.  A substantial amount of confusion arose in one of the daughter congregations due to the matter of a call and the pastor of Trinity had to intervene in his capacity as vice-president and visitor and also because he had been called upon by the district president.  A small number of members of Trinity who had been led astray took offence at this and although the Synod which had met in Spring had exhaustively investigate the entire matter and had found the intervention and procedure of the vice-president to be completely correct, nevertheless those members desired to be released from his pastoral care to join one of the other congregations of the Missouri or Wisconsin Synod and, as they expressly testified when question, not because the pastor was guilty of anything in doctrine, life, or any other matter of his conduct of the office, but because in reference to that matter they had lost the necessary trust and to remain in the congregation could no longer be a blessing to them…  The members wanted to turn to the next convention. So the matter remained pending until it was held in Detroit in 1871.  Upon the advice of the convention, the desired release was granted.

From that point on until the departure of its pastor and thereafter, the congregation enjoyed and was built up in undisturbed peace.  Admittedly, there was no lack of conflicts even under the present pastor; for how could the devil leave an orthodox congregation in peace and quiet for very long!  Namely, there were cases of church discipline that even to this day cause distress and concern for the pastor and the congregation.  But the time from 1850-1870 can be characterized as the main time of conflict.  As much distress and sorrow, sighs and tears were brought about by all these conflicts, nevertheless they gave testimony from the ecclesiastical live and the interest in the greatest concerns and, under the hand of the Lord, they served to grow the congregation in saving knowledge rather and instead of destroying the congregation, as the wicked foe had in mind, it served to edify and strengthen the congregation.  Times of conflict are better than a graveyard’s peace.

Chapter VI

Jubilee

Then Samuel took a stone, and set it between Mizpeh and Shen, and called the name of it Ebenezer, saying, Hitherto hath the Lord helped us.                            1 Sam 7:12.

In the middle of the times of conflict and then later in the time of peace the congregation celebrated a series of jubilee festivals of various types both general and special.

1.  First the general jubilees, ie. those jubilees which were for the most part jubilees of the Lutheran church or which they celebrated in part together with the congregations of the Synodical Conference.

The first of these jubilees was the memorial of the Peace of Augburg which the congregation celebrated in 1855 with the entire Synod and in connection with St. Stephen.  On the morning of September 25, a festival service took place in both churches.  The text of the sermon at Trinity was Psalm 147:12-15.  In the afternoon service at St. John which likewise held a festival, Pastor Dulitz preached on Rev. 3:7-13.  On Sept. 26 another festival service took place at Trinity in which Pastor Fleischmann from St. Stephen preached on acts 9:31.  The afternoon was set aside for a common celebration in the open air during which the school youth were especially considered.  There a group of grown students from our private school teacher seminary including Bodemer, Deffner, Schönfeld,as well as Teacher Dreyer and Pastor Ruff and Th. Eissfeld gave a performance of a conversation between Romans, Augsburgers, Wittenbergers, Wartburgers and a poet that had been composed by Pr. Fleishmann which was received with general applause. Also, the pastor of Trinity handed out to all the school children a festival booklet composed by G. Schaller for school children along with a memorial coin and gave a speech in reference to this.

The next jubilee festival was the 450 year celebration of the Reformaiton in 1867 which was celebrated by Trinity together with both daughter congregations St. Stephen and Immanuel.  Following the example of the congregation in St. Louis, it was decided to not only celebrated a festival service but also to hold a great festival procession of the three congregations and their students on the afternoon of October 31.  Everything had been prepared for this procession, when unfavorable weather came upon us on October 30, as it snowed and rained into the night. When it was considered during a meeting that evening whether the procession should be cancelled due to the weather, the decision had finally been reached: “We will process nevertheless!”  And look, when dawn broke on October 32, the sky was clear and fair and the sun shined so warm and lovely until sunset like on a spring day, and the hearts of all those celebrating were full of joy and thanks.  The morning of October 31 festival service were held in the three churches.  The text for the sermon at Trinity was Acts 26:22,23.  Around two o’clock in the afternoon, Immanuel on the North Side set the procession into motion.  Each congregation had a band at the front and aside from the school children most of the men and women members of each congregation marched two-by-two.  Each participant was decorated with a memorial coin minted for the entire Synod and by its commission which was worn by young and old during both days of the festival. As the procession drew past Trinity, Luther’s hymn “A Mighty Fortress” was sung with the accompaniment of instruments.  The procession was so long that as the front end crossed the Menominee bridge, part of the procession was still passing by Trinity.  When the last of the procession reached St. Stephan on the South Side, the entire crowd before dispersing sang the song of praise “Now Thank We All Our God” to the accompaniment of three bands.

On the following day, Nov. 1, there was a common divine service at Trinity in the morning with a sermon and communion which a large number of members from the three congregations participated in along with the pastors.  The conclusion of the [71] entire festivity was a children’s service held that evening at Trinity for which the pastor had composed a dialogue of the teachers with the children and in which he explained to them in a speech the memorial coin they had received at the beginning of the festival.

Likewise at the end of May 1877 the Synod and therefore our congregation celebrated the tricentennial of the Formula of Concord and on June 25, 1880, a double jubilee: the 450 year jubilee of the Augsbug Confession and the tricentennial of the entire Book of Concord.

Then followed three jubilee festivals the Missouri and Wisconsin Synod congregations of Milwaukee in a common divine service in the large exhibition building.  The first was the Luther jubilee or the memorial of the Luther’s 400th birthday in November 1883. Pastor Th. Jäckel held the sermon on Rom 3:28 about the church of grace. (Translators note: “the church of grace,” the church triumphant, the church before Christ’s return, is meant over against the “church of glory,” the church triumphant, the church in the resurrection.)

The second was the quadracentennial of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus which the United States celebrated in 1892.  Here and elsewhere church celebrations were organized because it has come to light that God, the Lord, had provided this land so that the Church would enjoy complete freedom in it and that under the blessing of the freedom of conscience through the constitutional separation of church and state the old Lutheran church would gloriously bloom at the evening of the world. Pastor Sprengeler, chosen as the festival preacher, had the text: Malachi 1:11.  The theme and outline of this sermon were: The great significance of the discovery of America for the church of Christ.  It is namely 1. This large portion of earth which was buried in the darkness of paganism was again opened to church of Christ and 2. as a consequence of this the pure gospel had found a refuge so that the church of the Reformation could bloom again.  After this sermon, Pastor Bendler from St. Matthew held a speech.  The Te deum laudamus rang out powerfully which was sung antiphonally with musical accompaniment by crowd of a couple thousand people.

The third was the 50th anniversary of Milwaukee’s incorporation as a city which took place in 1895.  On Sunday afternoon, Nov. 3, at the belatedly organized church celebration, Pastor Bading from St. John preached in German on Acts 18:9,10 and Pastor Sieck from the English Lutheran Mount Olive preached in English on Psalm 144:15.  The singing of a hymn of praise with three stanzas by a mass choir with over 1,500 school children to the accompaniment of brass instruments was gripping.

2.  The special jubilees were held in honor of the ministries of both pastors and four of the teachers as well as the 25th year of the male choir.

On the 9th Sunday after Trinity, August 14, 1870, the author celebrated his 25th year in the office of the ministry.  He himself held the sermon on Ps. 116.  To this was added his 25th anniversary in this congregation which was held on the 5th Sunday after Trinity, June 27, 1875, with a sermon on the Gospel of the day, Peter’s catch of fish.

Within a time frame of 15 years there followed the 25th anniversaries of four teachers.  Three of these were observed with a short celebration in the morning in the class of the jubilarian and in the evening in a gathering place in the presence of congregation members and members of the teachers’ conference with speech from Pastor Sprengeler, the presenting of gifts, singing, and a small meal.

The series of the jubilees began in 1880 with Teacher Christian Weigle.  Born in Marchbach, Würtemberg, June 22, 1827, and educated as a teacher at the mission seminary in Basel and then at the Würtemberg teacher’s seminary in Lichtenstein, he emigrated in 1855 and became a teacher in Pastor Mühlhäuser’s school at Grace congregation here in Milwaukee.  Afterwards he served from 1858-1861 at St. Stephen, until 1863 at the congregation in Addison, Ill., and from then until 1866 at Immanuel in Chicago.  However, because of a throat ailment he had to resign his office.  Having recovered after two year, he took over the third class at our congregaton on Oct. 3, 1869.  On June 23, 1883, he observed his 25th anniversary in office which was celebrated in his dwelling with the participation of the teachers’ and pastors’ conference.  When the branch school erected on the northwestern side was given over to the teacher of the fourth class, Weigle took over is position in which he remained until his death on August 5, 1890.

Teacher Georg Steuber, born in Braunskirchen, Hessendarmstadt and educated at our Synod’s teachers’ seminary, at that time in Fort Wayne, IN., in October 1864 followed the call of our congregation to teach the underclass after he had already worked four years at the school of the congregation in Carondelet, now South St. Louis, MO.  On October 7, 1885, he observed his office jubilee.     When a branch school was afterward established at Coldspring ave. and what is now 24½ St., the congregation handed its leadership over to him.  This school was soon expanded to two classes through the calling of Teacher C.F. Buuck.  After Bethlehem branched off, he later moved to Detroit, Michigan where he took over a class at Pastor Moll’s school.  When he later returned to Milwaukee, he worked with blessing and great skill as an agent of the Lutheran “Kinderfreundgesellschaft.”

Teacher Johannes Wegner, who taught the middle class from Sept. 30, 1866 and since Sept. 3, 1871 the upper class, observed his jubilee in April 1889.  Born March 11, 1846 in Altona, Schleswig-Holstein, at 5 years of age he emigrated to America with his parent and settled in Chester, Ill.  Educated form 1860-1864 at the teachers’ seminary in Fort Wayne, he became a teacher at Immanuel in Chicago and a year later at Pastor Löber’s congregation in Coooper’s Grove, IL, now Homewood.  Two years later he followed the call of our congregation.  Almost right after his call, Teacher Wegner has served as director of our congregation’s mixed choir.

The fourth jubilarian among the teachers of the congregation to be acknowledged is Ludwig Wissbeck, born in Vach, Bavaria, Oct. 12, 1851.  At four years old, his parents emigrated and settled in Monroe, Michigan, where he enjoyed the school instruction of Simon, now a seminary professor, and the confirmation instruction of the blessed Pastor Hattstädt.  He was educated as a teacher at the seminary in Addison and was installed by Pastor Reinsch on June 19, 1870 as teacher of Immanuel here in Milwaukee.  In 1872 he followed a call to New Orleans where he first served the school at St. Paul and from 1874 the school at Zion.  Since Nov. 19, 1876 he has led the second class our congregation’s school.  On June 19, 1895, he observed his jubilee.

A year earlier Teacher Missbeck together with the congregations men’s choir “Gemütlichkeit” whose director he has been for many years, observed the 25th anniversary of this singing group.  This consisted of a concert held April 8, 1894, to the mixed choir under the direction of Teacher Wegner and music Teacher Dietz as organist.  The author held the festival speech.  Added to the church celebration was a social celebration that evening at the neighboring hall.

Already 8 weeks after the last teacher jubilee followed the double jubilee of both pastors—the 50th year anniversary of this author, the previous pastor [Seelsorger] and current pastor adjunctus and the 25th anniversary of the present pastor, H. Sprengeler.  Since the jubilee of the former fell on August 10 and that of the latter on August 21, the congregation decided to observe both together in an evening service on Sunday, August 25, in order to give the Lutheran pastors of the city and the vicinity the opportunity to participate in the celebration.  Because such a double festivity rarely occurs, the congregation insisted on a properly solemn occasion.  After the council in the name of the congregation had congratulated both jubilarians in the parsonage, where a significant jubilee gift of gold and silver was presented, the council accompanied them in the church which was overflowing and tastefully decorated.  Here a divine service that was musically and liturgically rich took place in which Pastor. H.H. Succop, at that time president of the Illinois District, who had been invited by the festival committee, held the festival sermon.  Preaching on Psalm 103:1-3, he treated the good reason for the jubilee celebration: 1 the good reason for the congregation to put on such a celebration and 2. the good reason for the dear jubiliarians to be pleased with such a celebration.  Besides this, both jubiliarians were congratulated and given gifts by the women’s association and deputies of the youth association and at a celebration on Tuesday evening in the school hall by both singing groups, the mixed choir and the men’s choir where the then president of the men’s choir, W. Wolläger, held a speech.

For the time being, the 50-year anniversary of our Synod and the 50 year anniversary of our congregation make up the conclusion of the jubilees.  Both belong to the present year and stand in a special relationship to one another, since it was at the first Synod convention in 1847—as was depicted in the first chapter—tht the congregation was recognized as legitimate and after a few months Pastor Keyl became the first pastor.

The first preparation for these festivities were already made in the second half of the previous year.  This began with the undertaking to renovate the interior of the church.  Since painting the interior had become a necessity in the course of time, the congregation did not want to delay this work until the anniversary since it would likely require a couple months.  The decorative painting was performed by the firm Peter Peterson and Sons who belonged to the congregation and was done tastefully, avoiding anything bright, and to satisfaction.  Likewise the altar was raised up a level, the altar choir, the space in front of the altar next to the middle aise was furnished with a new carpet by the women’s association, all the panels were newly furnished, electric lighting was installed alongside the existing gas lighting.  It was undertaken to acquire an electric motor for the organ as well as a cleaning of the organ by its builder W. Schülke and to install a new console with pneumatic piping.  Apart from what the women’s association had collected for this purpose, the entire costs ran 4,205 dollars.

During the renovation, the congregation for a time held its services in the evening at St. John, which was amicably offered to the congregation for this use and for which we here want to express our thanks to St. John and its pastor.  Since it was preferable that the congregation could gather for service in the morning rather than the evening, service was held in the basement of the church for the last few Sundays.  On November 1, the congregation could with thanks and joy move into the renovated house of God.  At the morning service, the congregation observed Reformation Day, and that evening a special service was held in respect to the renovation of the interior in which the author preached on the words of Psalm 45:14: “The king’s daughter is all glorious within: her clothing is of wrought gold.” The choirs and the altar which was tastefully decorated with flowers and place enhanced the festiveness.

On Jubilate Sunday, May 9 of that hear, our congregation together with the entire Synod observed the Synod’s golden anniversary.  The celebration took place in the following way.  In the morning, Pastor Sprengeler preached on Ps. 126:3 and showed what great things the Lord had done in these 50 years for our dear Missouri Synod, and in the afternoon there was a children’s service with catechesis by Teacher Wegner and a speech from Pastor Sprengeler along with lovely antiphonal singing between the children’s choir and the congregation.

Those who worked as teachers of the congregation school: August Lemke, Christian Diez, Franz Bodemer, Franz Härtel, Gottfried Dreyer, Friedrich Hoppe, Christian Weigle, Wilhelm Hoffmann, Georg Steuber, Gustav Scholz, as well as widow Jesephine Gosch.  Those photographs which could be obtained are inserted here.

Conclusion

In Psalm 70, verses 2-11, Assaph sings:
I will open my mouth in a parable: I will utter dark sayings of old: which we have heard and known, and our fathers have told us. We will not hide them from their children, shewing to the generation to come the praises of the Lord, and his strength, and his wonderful works that he hath done. For he established a testimony in Jacob, and appointed a law in Israel, which he commanded our fathers, that they should make them known to their children: that the generation to come might know them, even the children which should be born; who should arise and declare them to their children: that they might set their hope in God, and not forget the works of God, but keep his commandments:and might not be as their fathers, a stubborn and rebellious generation; a generation that set not their heart aright, and whose spirit was not steadfast with God. The children of Ephraim, being armed, and carrying bows, turned back in the day of battle. They kept not the covenant of God, and refused to walk in his law;And forgat his works, and his wonders that he had shewed them.

Mindful of the words of this Psalm, the 50-year history of our congregation has been portrayed in the most possibly faithful manner.

May this account above all serve that we—and especially our children and posterity, might catch sight of an entirely unique memorial of divine grace and mercy.  To Him, the Lord, alone and to his free, undeserved grace, be the glory.  Yes, to his free and underserved grace; for if he had wanted to deal with us according to merit, he would have had to remove from us his pure word and sacrament a long time ago.  That we still have it is a miracle before our eyes!

May this account, however, in accord with the above words of the psalm continuously admonish us to guard ourselves from false security and ingratitude so that the Lord might night be compelled in the end to take from us that which out of pure grace he has not only given to us but has extended to us for far over a generation.  

O Lord, grant by your Holy Spirit, that we might keep what we have and let us at last participate in the eternal jubilee year.  Amen!


[1] When the opposition to the Hirtenbrief increased in Wisconsin, Pastor Grabau reached out to the Saxon pastors in Missouri, Walther, Löber, Keyl, and Gruber, to give their assessment of the letter.  When, however, these pastors openly, yet in a peaceful and modest way, expressed to him their misgivings toward the papististic and hierarchical principles that he had laid out in the letter, Pastor Graubau in a written rejoinder treated them as nothing other than false teachers and demanded them to recant their supposed heresies (cf. Lutheraner vol. III, pgs. 35,36).  Thus it came to a conflict between Grabau and his like-minded bothers in the office and those Saxon pastors, and after a few years to a drawn-out, heated battled between the synods of Buffalo and Missouri, in which, however, the pure doctrine of the Church and the office of the ministry advocated by the Missouri pastors was victorious.

[2] Krause was pastor of a small group of Silesian Lutherans who had found a temporary home in Buffalo already before the arrival Pr. Grabau.  After a short time in office, just as Pr. Grabau arrived in New York with his cohort of emigrants, Krause abandoned his congregation by night and fog and under inane pretenses hurried back to Germany. When he didn’t find his hoped-for accommodation there, he sent a letter of repentance to Pr. Graubau upon which Grabau made possible his return to America and recommended his calling to those in Freistadt and Milwaukee.

[3] See …As well as the justification for the condition of accptiance in the first report of the Northern District 1855, pgs. 22,23.

[4] The small organ was sold for 35 dollars to St. John’s in Cedarburg and later as this new organ gave place to the current large organ, it found its way to Manistee, Michigan. 

In Memory of Dr. W.H.T. Dau

by Ludwig Fuerbringer. Translated from the German by Shawn T. Barnett


It has already been briefly reported in the previous edition of Der Lutheraner that Dr. Wilhelm Hermann Theodor Dau died 21 April in Berkeley, California, and was buried on 28 April in Hammond, Indiana.  However, since he was well-known in broad circles both within and outside of our Synod and besides serving in the office at numerous congregations, he was for director at the College in Conover, North Carolina for a number over years, professor at our theological seminary in St. Louis for over twenty years, and President of our university in Valparaiso for several years, a more extensive survey of his life will certainly not be unwelcome to our readers.   I will sketch this survey in the form of personal reminiscences, since I knew him well for more than sixty years and was bound with him in friendship.

It was the school year 1881-1882.  Word got around at our college in Fort Wayne, that a new student from Detroit, Michigan, had entered the second upper class and was to hold a speech in English before the students or in a club on one of the next few evenings.  That created a sensation.  I heard the speech myself.  It was a sign of Dau’s linguistic gifts and—dare I say—of a certain courage, that he dared to speak before American youth in the language of that country as a student who had only recently come from Germany.  Yet at the time we did not become any closer to one another.  He was not a member of my class, the school year came to an end, and I moved to the seminary in St. Louis.  I discovered first at a later date, that he had been born 8 February 1864 in Lauenburg, Pomerania, had attended the gymnasium there and had already during this time received instruction in the house of a well-to-do merchant.   His life had nearly taken an entirely different course.  That is to say, because of his giftedness and accomplishment, he had been encouraged to take part in a scientific expedition to Africa.   The other members of the expedition were entirely unbelieving, and he too may have wound up on the same paths and saw it, therefore, as divine providence and he was led to America, to where his parents, Hermann Dau and Auguste, born Blaschke, wanted to emigrate.  Thus in 1881 he came to Detroit; his parents joined Trinity, served at that time by Pr. J.A. Hügli.  Pr. Hügli recommended him to the temporary school at Pr. C. Lohrmann’s congregation in Lenox, not far from Detroit; both pastors induced him toward further study and preparation for the preaching office and so he came shortly thereafter to Ft. Wayne.  

Our relationship .  We became good friends, particularly since other members of his class, my current colleague Dr. Th. Engelder, Dr. W. Dallmann, now living in retirement, but still always very active, and Mission Director F. had always been my good friends.  His room, in which he lived together with Dallmann, was kitty-corner from mine and even at that time we cultivated a frequent exchange of ideas  and spoke of worthwhile books, that we had purchased or wanted to acquire.  Dau and Dallmann were the book agents for works that had to be obtained from Germany  and all three of us were always great book lovers and zealous readers. These were pleasant days of common interest, days full of passion and love for the study of theology.  And even though it would not have been easy to find two people more opposite than Dau and Dallmann, the two of them were nevertheless lifelong friends and colleagues. In 1886 he passed his candidate exam and entered the office as a member of the last candidate class which finished under Walther.  We both saw Walther for the last time at the convention of the Synodical Conference in Dau’s home city Detroit, among his home congregation out of which came his first wife, Marie Louise Becker.  At that time I spent a night in his parent’s house and I met his father who was a tailor by profession again later when he was a delegate in 1911 at the Synodical Conference in St. Louis.  Dau’s first call led him to Memphis, Tennessee and he served the congregation there both faithfully and skillfully, a congregation with that had an interesting back history and also many inner and external problems.  He soon stepped forward as someone of significance.  When our Church assumed it’s first English institution in Conover, first of all through the provision of teachers, Dau was invested with the office of President in 1892 and worked successfully in this field which was at that time entirely new for our Church through preaching and lectures and made known the name our Synod and especially her position in teaching and practice.  He was able to find both time and opportunity for this, since this institution never housed a very large number of students.

    Also during his these year we not only occasionally corresponded, but also met one another in person, namely in 1893 and 1899 in connection with his travels to the meetings of the English Synod, currently our English District, to which he belonged as a consequence of his position in Conover and the institutions affiliation with this district.  In 1899 due to health concerns, he followed a call to a congregation in Hammond, Indiana which took him from the exhausting occupation in Conover.    There in Hammond he worked again for six years under a great blessing not only for that congregation, but also from the surrounding area.  For Hammond, although it lies in Indiana, is nevertheless neighbors Chicago and I know from a pastor who was in Chicago at that time, how much he was treasured and what reputation he enjoyed in respect to theology.  During that time he held the office of vice-president of the Middle District for a number of years.  He always continued to study industriously especially Luther and the writings of Walther and other outstanding theologians of our Church.

Now he had through study and experience become mature for a professorship in St. Louis and was called to this institution in 1905 and we came into contact almost daily.    He became successor to Dr. A.L. Graebner who died in 1904 and as such took over the English language instruction in dogmatics, in the catechism, and later also in comparative symbolics.  As Graebner’s successor he also became the chief editor of the Theological Quarterly which he edited over 20 years.  What he accomplished in this position became known within our Synod and beyond its borders and is still well-known.  The students–I can still remember it clearly–looked forward to his coming and his teaching with great expectations and they were not disappointed.  For Dau had a thorough knowledge of Biblical Lutheran doctrine, of the history of the Lutheran Church, especially Luther and the period of the Reformation, and also knew how to impart his knowledge to others.  At the same time, he was also a much sought-after and heard preacher and lecturer, with the result, in my opinion that often too much was demanded of him in this regard.  At this time he was also active in writing, not only for the Theological Quarterly and later the Theological Monthly, but also through various occasion writings and books on Luther and his time.  I need only recall the historical works which are exemplary investigations: Luther Examined and Reexamined, The Leipzig Debate of 1518, The Great Renunciation, At the Tribunal of Caesar.   He translated into English Walther’s lectures on the proper distinction of law and gospel and Stark’s prayer book and was also, along with his colleague Prof. F. Bente, involved in the arrangement and publication of the our Synod’s version of the Confessions in three languages, Latin, German, and English, our so-called Concordia Triglotta, even though Dr. Bente did the lion’s share of the work, since it dealt in his discipline and his studies.  I still remember very well how Dau had a special drawer in his lectern wherein he kept works that he had begun and which he would work on whenever he had the time and opportunity.  I readily admit, that I learned so much during this years from conversations and discussions with him and through his thorough investigations and Gutachten, for which I am still thankful to him.  He never drilled through a board at the thinnest end.  He was enemy of all superficiality and inaccuracy in oral and written statements.  Thus he both conceived and resolved to produce a comprehensive and scholarly biography of his teacher Walther, and I know that we would have been provided with a competent, reliable work on this great theologian and church leader and a proper evaluation of his significance and of his time.  He had already developed various preparations for this work, for example he had search through and made selections from the the large collection of Walther’s letters begun by Walther’s son-in-law, President J. H. Niemmann, a collection which I continued at the desire and commission of Niemann.  And everyone knows that an extraordinary amount of historical material is contained in just these letters.   Then, however, a change occurred for Dau which made it impossible for him to continue and complete this work.

In the previous edition of Der Lutheraner the life and work of Dr. Dau was portrayed up to the year 1926 in the form of personal reminiscences.  A significant change occurred in that year.  That is he was elected as the first president of Valparaiso University which in the previous year had been taken over by a Lutheran society.  As we discussed this matter with one another, I made no secret of the fact that I could not approve of him accepting the position as much as I was convinced of its importance.  On the one side, I did not want to see our institution in St. Louis deprived of his outstanding capabilities.  However on the other side, I thought that a switch into such an entirely different occupation with its unique difficulties was not advisable in those years (he was, at that time, already over 60).  However, he meant too much to me for me to oppose him energetically and since he believed that he should follow the call, I, for my part, let him go with a hearty wish for blessings.

Valparaiso is now generally well-known in circles in and again beyond our Synod.  He went to work, to new and unfamiliar work, as always with great zeal and great sacrifice to give the University a proper Lutheran foundation. He was, however, not able to work very long and stepped back from leading the university after three years and became President emeritus.  In Valparaiso his wife expired after forty happy years of marriage.  Undoubtedly, this afflicted him severely.  In 1830 he moved to California and two years later married a Mrs.  Elisabetha Friedrichs from Berkeley, California, and moved to this city which lay across from San Francisco.  That very Summer he and his wife made a long journey to Germany, and visited  his homeland as he had once before in 1921 when he was commissioned by our Committee for church work in Europe to seek out our brothers in the faith in Germany, France, Denmark and Finland.   At this opportunity he also gave lectures in various places and gave the impulse for a historical work on the congregations of the German free churches.

Even in the years after his emiritization, indeed even unto the last years of his life, he remained very active.  He preached often and always had something to say both in his writings and in his sermons, he gave numerous lectures at conferences, wrote for our periodicals, as in response to request he produced a series of quality articles for Der Lutheraner and had more planned.  Most of all, he continued to study industriously and had, for example, made gone through and made notes on the entire 88-volume Weimar Edition of Luther’s works with the exception of one volume and averaged 800 pages of notes for each volume.   He understood Luther better and more correctly than many who made a name for themselves in this.  He came pretty frequently back to the Midwest and almost regularly visited his old University in Valparaiso and his second wife, certainly at his suggestion, donated the sum of $50,000 for a new Library building in Valparaiso.  During one of these visits, Valparaiso awarded him the honorary title of doctor literarum, as Concordia College in Adelaide, Australia in 1923 and our Concordia Seminary in 1939 had already distinguished him with the title of Doctor of theology.  During these visits, he usually came to St. Louis and we also stayed connected during this period not only through written correspondence, but also through personal contact.  Just two years ago he held a series of excellent lectures for our students, faculty and invited guests, which were then published in Concordia Theological Monthly.

Years ago I suggested to him, when he still had mental and physical vim and vigor, that he might spend his last years on an account of the history of our synod.   He would have been particularly qualified for this not only because of all the things that he was able  to remember, but also because of his thoroughness and reliability in research and because of his interest in that which has made our Synod what it is: her firm, decided doctrinal position over-against all compromises and unionistic dangers of our time, which he clearly recognized as I noticed from more than one conversation.  It would have been a standard work,  as we have required for some time now, but it would have demanded much time and research.   Hochstetters worthy “Geschichte der Missouri-Synode” is now already 60 years old and is very much in need of supplement.  …Yet it shouldn’t be forgotten that even in his last years along with his friends Engelder and Dallmann he made Walther’s foundational writings on the Church accessible in English in Walther and the Church.

I saw Dau for the last time in June of this year when he had just completed the presentation  (which has since appeared in print) for the convention of our North Dakota and Montana District and had come to St. Louis.  The last letter that I received from from him written in his own hand and in a friendly and warm manner came at Christmas of this last year.  Not long before he had composed the beautiful devotions for one of our small devotional books, which appeared in print at the beginning of this year under the title “Da soll es bei bleiben” Isaiah 45, 33.  This was his last literary work as far as I know.

Then in February of this year came the news that he had suffered a stroke on shortly after his eightieth birthday on 8 February and his left was entirely lame, but that he was confident, devoted to the Lord [gottergeben] and of good cheer.  I wrote him and sent him, among other things, a copy of an unpublished poem from a very talented poetess who is close to me, although I have never met her personally, which appeared appropriate to me for his condition, and I heard shortly thereafter just how much this poem had cheered and encouraged him.  I am sharing it here, because it might perhaps be welcome also to many readers of Der Lutheraner who are in dire bodily weakness.

    Und wird es auch ganz dunkel um mich her,

    Ich will die Last doch ohne Murren tragen:

    Es wird einmal, wann Gott sein Machtwort spricht,

    Die Stunde der Erlösung für mich schlagen,.

    Und bin ich jetzt auch angemschiedet hier,

    Unfähig Händ’ und Füße mehr zu regen,

    Weiß ich bestimmt:  Gott wird zur rechten Zeit

    Sein müdes Kind zur letzten Ruhe legen.

Still on April 2 he sent me a special Easter greeting which I am also sharing here as the last word that I heard from him.  He dictated the following: “Let me send you a warm Easter greeting from my sick chamber.  May the saving Easter message fill you heart with that Easter peace which Jesus has brought from the grave, strengthen your Easter faith, and help you that your Easter faith might bloom anew.” He then added that according to all signs and the judgement of his caretakers, his circumstance was improving, and that it was told to him that he should he should aid nature by exerting his will power to become healthy.  “I am doing this, he said, “but I experience that my will power does not suffice and the greatest help must come from above, from my heavenly Father.”

And then on 21 April came the news of his departure.

A funeral service was held in Berkeley on 24 April in which his pastor, M. Engel, gave the funeral address on Gal 2:20 and his erstwhile pastor, G. Mieger, served as celebrant.  The pastors who were present sang that wonderfully beautiful song both in text and melody, “Jerusalem, du hochgebaute Stadt.” The burial followed then on 28 April in Hammond, Indiana, among Dr. Dau’s previous congregation, where his first wife also lies buried.  His youngest daughter accompanied his mortal frame from California.  The divine service was attended in large numbers by members of the congregation, pastors, and friend and acquaintances from out-of-town.  This very week 41 years ago the newly built church was dedicated and the day of his burial was the anniversary of his wedding 12 years ago.  At Dau’s request, President W. F. Lichtsinn, his present successor at the congregation, gave the sermon again on the text chosen by the departed: “The Son of God has loved me and gave himself for me,” Gal 2: 20, a confession of his theology and his faith.  This verse will also be inscribed on his gravestone.  Pr. Henry Kowert from Chicago served as celebrant, President J.W. Behnken spoke in the name of the Synod, Dr. L. Sieck read the condolences of the St. Louis faculty, and Dr. O.P. Kretzmann spoke in the name of Valparaiso University.  Members of the Hammond Special Conference, which Dau formed during his time there, served as pallbearers and the interment was conducted by Pr. Leichtsinn at the Concordia Cemetery, of which Dau was a cofounder.  All of his children were present.  “It was a simple, but worthy celebration to the glory of God, who gave our Church this talented servant,” as was written to us.  Resquiescat in pace, et lux aeterna ei, may he rest in peace, and may the eternal light illuminate him.
We have already made occasional comments regarding his family.  Yet we add that from his two sons, the one, Pr. W.H.J. Dau, is a pastor in Aurora Indiana, the other is a businessman here in St. Louis.  His five daughters are all married to pastors, namely Pr. P. Miller in Fort Wayne, Prof. M. H. Bertram in Fort Wayne, Pr. E. P. Merkel in St. Albans, New York, Pr. W.F. Peters in Hastings, Nebraska, and W. F. Schreyers in Berkeley, California, who has left the office.

Malayalam Field in India: Two Letters and an Introduction

Here is an article that I tacked on to a couple of letters from Zucker, a missionary to India, that I had translated and submitted to CHI’s development magazine Historical Footnotes.

Note: I would not write such an introduction today. My sympathies lie more with Zucker than Leigh Jordahl whom I cited approvingly. My perjorative use of the term “ethnocentricism” reflects my former indoctrination into “anti-colonialism.”